LITERATURE REVIEW
2.3 ATTITUDES TOWARD CODE-SWITCHING
2.3.2 THE ATTITUDE OF MONOLINGUALS AND BILINGUALS TOWARDS ENGLISH
of people towards English follows.
2.3.2 THE ATTITUDE OF MONOLINGUALS AND BILINGUALS TOWARDS ENGLISH:
English has acquired international status for 50 years and appears to be unprecedented in several ways: by the increasing number ofusers ofthe language; by its depth ofpenetration into societies;
and by its range offunctions (Hasman 2000:5). Presently, one out offive ofthe world's population speaks some variety of English and it is estimated that by 2010 the number of speakers ofEnglish as a second language or foreign language willexceed the number of native speakers of English (Hasman 2000:2). Fishman (1982:15) had, however, foreseen the spread of English almost two decades ago - he stated: ''Not only is English spreading, butit is being spread by non-English
mother tongue interests." This information points directly at the positive attitudes people have toward English, more particularly for its instrumental value (e.g. Poplack 1987:93,95).
The high value that is ascribed to English is clearly evident in Romaine's (1989:292-3) comments on an encounter in a small village school in the upper Markham valley ofPapua New Guinea. She discusses the status that is awarded to English in comparison to the local languages: In one ofthe classrooms a notice relating to language (among other forms ofbehaviour) was categorized under the headings, 'good', 'bad' and 'worst'. To speak English was considered 'good'; to speak pidgin was 'bad' and to speak tokples(the local language) was 'worst'. All the schools that Romaine visited had signs reminding them that English was the language of the classrooms. While the schools that are involved in my study do not adopt such drastic measures concerning Zulu, it is clear that for the majority of the respondents, both educators and learners of the study, English is the preferred medium of instruction.
In addition to having differing attitudes toward different languages, people also have differing attitudes towards particular varieties of English. For example, Gibb (1998: 1), in a comparative study of attitudes towards varieties of English held by professionals and tertiary level students in Korea, shows that some of the subjects perceived American English to be more prestigious than other varieties of English. Adendorff (1992:52) suggests that people look down upon other people's English as a way of emphasising the status of their own variety.
In certain communities the use ofEnglish in a mother tongue discourse is viewed favourably, as is the case in India. As an instance, in his study of code-mixing in India, Kachru (1978: 113)
observes that when a multilingual speaker employscode~mixingwith English, itis a marker of modernization, socio-economic position, and membership in an elite group. Itisused in those contexts where one would like to demonstrate authority, power and identity with the establishment. Evidence for this attitudeisfound in various social contexts, in parents' language preference for their children, and in choice of preferred language in colleges. Itappears that in India, the more educated a personisthe more s/he tends to mixelements from English.
Studies in Africa also reveal that English enjoys a prestigious status. For example, in his investigation of English in Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia, Schmied (1995:6) demonstrates that there is greater support for English than against it. Some of the most significant reasons among Zambians for favouring English are for job acquisition purposes; and among Kenyans and Zambians, English is perceived as a 'link language' i.e. using English helps to avoid tribal differences. The Tanzanians perceive English as 'a superior language system'. Other arguments in favour ofEnglish in these African countries include the educational equality argument i.e. using English as a medium of education means equal chances for all children in the future because
"English is the basis for further education"; the complex concepts argument i.e. that complex concepts can be explained more easily in English; and the international technological argument i.e.
that English is necessary to "keep science and learning in touch withworld-wide developments."
In contrast, some negative attitudes toward English are also evident. Some of these include English being an impersonal language; a sign of neglecting national identity; making Africans European-minded (Schmied 1995:6); inappropriate for lying, joking, cursing, bargaining and unmediated prayer (Fishman 1982: 19).
In South Africa itself, according to a report by the Ornnichek division ofResearch Surveys (1994), of the majority of the 2125 African men and women interviewees, English is the preferred language for all public notices and communications from the government. Kamwangamalu (1998:280) notes that because ofits role and its international status, English is the only language in which the majority of South African parents want their children educated. It isconsidered to be the language of education, government and administration, international communication, diplomacy, science and technology, and as language ofpower, prestige and status. This perception of English is clearly portrayed in Slabbert's (1994:4-7) study of attitudes of South Africans towards English. She shows that most South Africans hold English on a pedestal and associate it with being educated. Similarly Martin (1997:134) states that the black middle class who have academic ambitions for their children see proficiency in English as being important. My own study reveals similar attitudes. My study shows that many parents of learners interviewed want their children to learn English, and learners themselves perceive English asthelanguage that will open doors for them. For example, one interviewee says that he wants to learn all his subjects through the medium ofEnglish as :"It(English) is spoken in the whole world" [sample appendix 2d, L 11].
Similarly, another interviewee says: "Everywhere you go you must know English" [sample appendix 2d, L5].
In spite of the multilingual situation in South Africa and the officialdom of 11 languages, the 9 other languages (see page 1) that have been added to English and Afrikaans are not languages of higher education in our country. English is clearly the official medium of most tertiary education and virtually all public services. Major newspapers are published in English and there is considerable exposure to English on the television. The status of English in South Africa is
encapsulated by Sarinjieve (1999:129) who states: "English is still perceived as the panacea to solve all perceived language problems and the means by which to achieve all the goals ofeveryday living."Inhisstudy of students fonn Vista, Sebokeng, aimed at investigating why in spite of the high failure rate students choose to learn in English, Sarinjieve shows that they see English as important for the future and the achievement of goals. This is confirmed by Polenis (1984, in Sarinjieve 1999:133) who distinguishes between the mother tongue and the spoken and written fonns of English both at work and school. He states that English enjoys greater status than the home language and could be viewed as the language for 'higher' and 'special occasions'. Cluver (2000:81) however, notes that speakers who are educated in a dominant language (e.g. English) often overemphasise what they see as the positive aspects of that language while downgrading many aspects of their own culture and language. Inview of the high esteem awarded to English by both native and non-native speakers of English, it is of no surprise that researchers such as Heller (1988), Nwoye (1992) and Finlayson and Slabbert (1997) show that many people have negative attitudes towards CS. The literature on attitudes towards CS is discussed below.
2.3.3 THE ATTITUDE OF MONOLINGUALS AND BILINGUALSTOWARDS