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THE NKHOMA SYNOD’S HIV COMPETENCE IN ITS ‘MAN-TO-MAN’ CAMPAIGN

6.3. The Bridge between Inner Competence and Outer Competence

6.3.1. Leadership

Reflecting on leadership, Parry (2005:33) argues that “leadership from above needs to meet the creativity, energy and leadership from below” if there is to be a bridge

between inner competence and outer competence. However, in the ‘Masculinity, Alcohol and HIV&AIDS’ project this seems to be lacking in the collaboration

between the leaders of the Nkhoma and the Nkhoma Synod’s CSD. This can readily be seen in the section on church leadership in the project progress report submitted by the Nkhoma Synod’s CSD to Norwegian Church Aid in September 2012. The section reads as follows:

While the church in essence has accepted the dynamics of the project, it is as an institution going through a sharp learning curve in terms of organisational development and change…Masculinity and femininity are new concepts that require time to internalise particularly when internalising them in local challenges as usually the intent is lost in translation. (The Masculinity, Alcohol and HIV&AIDS Project Progress Report:13)

In this excerpt, two drawbacks in bridging inner competence to outer competence can be readily seen. First, the church leaders display a lack of full knowledge and

commitment to the necessity of transforming masculinities in the context of the HIV epidemic. Second, there appears a distinct discrepancy between the Nkhoma Synod church leaders making the decisions and the Nkhoma Synod’s CSD implementing the programme on the ground. For the project to be effective, the lack of knowledge and commitment on the part of the church leaders and the discrepancy between church leaders and those involved in its implementation has to be addressed. As Parry (2005:35) has noted, it is “extremely empowering” for people involved in implementing HIV projects “to know that the leadership of the church solidly backs their activities.”

6.3.2. Knowledge

Reflecting on the second cornerstone of knowledge, Parry (2005:35) notes that it is not enough just “to have a working knowledge of the HI-Virus, its modes of

transmission and what facilitates its spread; its physical effects; management and treatment issues.” Parry (2005:35) goes on to argue that this knowledge should extend to understanding HIV and AIDS’ “impact on the individual, on the family and on society.” This involves “acquiring appropriate knowledge of the people concerned, their circumstances, and the context in which they live and what contributes to their vulnerability to HIV infection” (2005:35). In turn, this “requires consideration of cultural heritage”, together with those negative and positive aspects in the context of HIV, and “of gender scripting which renders both sexes vulnerable” (2005:35). The Nkhoma Synod’s consideration of cultural heritage and gender scripting is uncritical at best and problematic at worst. This can be generally seen in the androcentric discourses in their documents, but particularly in how they construct discourses around culture. The comment on traditional rites of passages, masculinity and gender imbalance, which is found in the ‘Masculinity, Alcohol and HIV&AIDS’ project

proposal, well-illustrates this point. The comment reads as follows:

These rites are particularly important in creating male identities of which the school, the church and other institutions are sometimes unable to erase, since these rites serve as a locus of social control to guide the young male from the transition from childhood to manhood, including reinforcing one’s tribal identity as a Chewa (page 8).

I have already argued in chapter five above that the use of the word “erase” in reference to the knowledge acquired by boys and men through the indigenous rites reveals a view of indigenous knowledge as being wholly negative and thus to be done away with. With the research and work of ARHAP, this view has been generally challenged, but also particularly in the context of the Chewa people and their indigenous matrilineal system this view becomes problematic. As I have already pointed out in chapter four above, the Chewa matrilineal system granted greater gender balance. For the bridging of inner competence to outer competence in the

‘Masculinity, Alcohol and HIV&AIDS’ project in general and the MTM Campaign in particular; the Nkhoma Synod needs to acquire a critical knowledge of cultural heritage and gender scripting. There are a number of indigenous assets in the Chewa matrilineal system that can be drawn from for the transformation of negative masculinities in the context of the HIV epidemic.

6.3.3. Resources

Turning to the third cornerstone of resources, Parry (2005: 37 -41) lists what for her are its five components:

i. Financial resources.

ii. Structural resources.

iii. Human resources.

iv. Spiritual resources.

v. Resource material.

The financial resources, of the ‘Masculinity, Alcohol and HIV&AIDS’ project in general and the MTM Campaign in particular, are covered by Norwegian Church Aid.

According to the project’s reports to Norwegian Church Aid, funding was received timeously, the document citing only one delay in the disbursement of funding in January 2012 (September 2012 report:13).

As regarding structural resources, The Nkhoma Synod seems fairly equipped. The Nkhoma synod has 126 church buildings, a hospital, 10 health centres, a nursing school, a university and a radio station. Its human resource is equally as vast with 119 clergypersons and 1,317,000 church members.

While its spiritual resource cannot be quantified, it can be imagined in tangible terms and its access to resource material seen in its partnership with other aid agencies (the NCA being one of them), together with its network of theological institutions both locally and internationally. At its cornerstone, the Nkhoma Synod is adequately competent.

So in conclusion, one can see that Nkhoma Synod, in regards to the cornerstones of leadership and knowledge, has displayed inadequacy, despite the fact that the Synod is well resourced.