Because of the important role which was played by UNIN in the activities of the struggle for liberation, it was then nicknamed Lusaka, the ANC headquarters in Zambia (Kanyane, 2010). “Student leaders at the university had access to telephones, photocopy machines, meetings facilities, and occasionally cars”
(Thobakgale, 2016: interview), and this helped in communicating with other people and also in simplifying their work. “Sports outings to other Black universities were used for spreading the gospel of freedom. The UDF and the ANC leadership in Lusaka, Zambia, encouraged people to study at Turfloop rather than other universities because of Turfloop’s central role in the fight against apartheid”
(Mashamba, 2016: interview).
Contacts with community members were important, it was part of spreading the message of liberation. “In 1983, students from Sekhukhuneland met at Turfloop to address the formation of organisations in their home villages” (Thobakgale, 2016:
interview). Over the holidays, students from Turfloop formed youth groups in their villages, and when the university re-opened they would meet at the student centre to exchange experiences. According to Letsoalo (2016: interview), “most students from Turfloop had political influence in their villages. In most of the cases, they were responsible for providing political direction to their communities”. Letsoalo (2016:
interview) further states that “school holidays for them were not for resting or playing like the kids of today, they provided the chance to spread political education to members of our communities and our political inputs were always carrying more weight to our communities because we were regarded as the most advanced people”.
were more than ten in that area (AZASO Newsletter, 1981). At its inaugural conference in Pietermaritzburg, a preamble was adopted endorsing the philosophy of Black Consciousness and an interim executive led by Tom Nkoana and Mafa Goci was elected to establish branches at the various campuses and to draft a constitution (Van Kessel, 2000).
According to Mamabolo (2016: interview), who was part of the delegation from Turfloop to attend the first General Council, which resulted in the formation of AZASO, he had this to say: “our main challenge in the council was an ideological debate, with the major concerns being the roles of Whites in the national liberation struggle and the question of socialism in a future South Africa”. The ideological debate took place at AZASO‘s Annual General Council (AGC) held at Wilgespruit in 1981, and the issues of non-racialism and socialism dominated the discussions as Mamabolo already mentioned. The outcome was decisive in that the organisation committed itself to the Freedom Charter, cooperation with COSAS and non-racial politics among the organised youth (AZASO Newsletter, 1981). Such a decision highlighted a drift by AZASO from the philosophy of BC and its associated organisations like SASO and the BPC.
The AGC played an important role in bridging the distance that had existed between Black student organisations and NUSAS by developing a working alliance on the Education Charter Campaign. As the number of Black students increased in the early 80s, these students constituted a social category that was distinct from the majority of Black people, who were predominantly working class (Van Kessel, 2000).
Low wages, unemployment, inadequate housing and services were realities out of which they had emerged. “It was thus a natural course of action for students to identify with and involve themselves in a number of community campaigns and trade union support campaigns” (Mamabolo, 2016: interview). He also notes: “Student activists were involved themselves in research, data collection, analysis and compilation of information that would assist in the struggle for liberation” (2016:
interview). AZASO also focused on the Education Charter campaign, specifically the need for students to formulate a common set of educational demands. It viewed the Education Charter campaign as a rallying point to mobilise students and make student structures more mass-based. It did so firstly by supporting the Freedom
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Charter and then later in 1986, by changing its name to South African National Students Congress (SANSCO) (Van Kessel, 2000).
Baloyi (2016: interview) further explains:
AZASO saw a direct relationship between the educational and other (socio- political) struggles. Its guiding principle was the struggle for the creation of a democratic South Africa free of racist oppression and exploitation. It also welcomed the formation of the UDF and had participated in meetings that preceded the formation of the Front. Its members and leaders such Aaron Motswaledi, Joe Phaahla, Paul Sefularo, Abba Yacoob, Mafa Goci, Thomas Mdluli and Bennedicta Monama played an important role popularising the UDF, by promoting anti-election campaigns and collecting signatures during the Million Signature Campaign. The Million Signature Campaign was a national campaign run by UDF to collect Million signatures. These signatures were meant to show support for the non-racial principles of the UDF, a rejection of apartheid government and solidarity with organisations across the country working to create a democratic, non-racial South Africa.
Turfloop was central to the formation of AZASO. “The students from Turfloop who formed part of AZASO leadership were Tom Nkoana, Blessing Mphela, Bennedicta Monama, Peter Maake, George Mpitso, Calvin Mutheiwana, Themba Maluleke, Warara Kakaza, Kgaogelo Lekalakala, Chikane Chikane, Rapule Matsane, Tebogo Moloi, Nikisi Lesufi, Natala Mathebula, Nosipho Phambuka, Sphiwe Mndaweni, Benjamin Mphiko, Moeti Mpuru, Godfrey Selepe, Dan Mashitisho, Mamoloi Mpitso and Sello Lediga” (Mamabolo, 2016:interview).
Bucks Mahlangu, Irvin Phenyane, Abbey Dlavane, Kabelo Motshabi, Cebile Khanye, Ernest Khoza and Ndavhe Ramakuela were another crop of leaders who arrived at the tail-end of AZASO and lead SANSCO (Van Kessel, 2000).Tebogo Moloi, Bucks Mahlangu and Ernest Khoza are former SRC presidents of Turfloop” (Baloyi, 2016:
interview). In 1987 SANSCO called for the transformation of tertiary institutions into Peoples Campuses and called for the formation of committees of peoples' power at all levels, from the SRCs through to hostel and floor committees, faculty councils, class committees, as well as sports and cultural committees. These structures that had their parallel in the street committees, were seen as the foundations of people‘s power and democratic control of campuses” (Van Kessel, 2000).
In 1986 AZASO was weakened by repressive state measures. Most comrades were arrested for their political activism in campuses. According to Baloyi (2016:
Interview), “many student activists in Turfloop were arrested at that time.
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Police harassment, intimidation, banning orders and other means were employed to make it difficult for the students to organise themselves”. The repressive measures were done in order to instil fear among the students and their leaders. Police harassment discouraged potential activists because of its brutality. “The aim of the authorities was to kill political activism on campuses” (Letsoalo, 2016: interview).
“Unfortunately killing political activism on campuses did not happen because at that time the struggle for liberation had reached boiling point, thus no amount of police harassment and intimidation was going to stop activists” (Baloyi, 2016: interview).
The influence of AZASO played a very important role in the 1980s school boycotts, the protest against the introduction of the tri-cameral parliament and Black Local Authorities, the 1984 Vaal Triangle uprising and the 1985 school boycotts (Van Kessel, 2000). This was interspersed with local student struggles that led to sustained boycotts over the expulsion of student leaders, racist lecturers, and dismal conditions at Black tertiary institutions. “AZASO was able to ensure that the struggle at tertiary institutions presented a challenge to the apartheid system” (Baloyi, 2016:
Interview). This was embodied in their commitment to the Freedom Charter and the goal of national liberation as well as the links they identified between educational issues and other forms of national oppression.
5.5 THE COOPERATION OF THE AZASO WITH THE CONGRESS OF SOUTH