Likaka (2009:21) states that “having a name is living; and there will be nothing where there is no name.” This testifies that every individual must have a name to be identified with. From an African point of view, a person needs a name in order to share life with the living. Lombard (1977) adds that each name must become a living person to him; someone with a personality and character filling a specific place and significance in a family and society. Allen (1983) observes that to name is to control, redefine and demystify. Similarly, Gilmore (1982:698) states that “naming something is to make it knowable, thus we disarm a threatening exterior universe of hostile others.” Davies (1989a) argues that the language we use daily promotes and perpetuates the social structure along gender lines.He adds that in passing on language to our children, we are also passing on a relative entrapment in the social order we might well want to move beyond, and this language usually carries with it loaded gender connotations.
Enshrined within the Zezuru personal namesis the fact that people are either male or female.The importance of names is insightful to the present study,in that names can go as far as reflecting the gender status of the name bearer.
Odelle (2012) states that names are a complex tapestry comprised of several interpretive threads, each requiring a distinctive unravelling. Odelle’s observation is very insightful to this study because it points to the fact that personal names are rich with information which needs to be unearthed; and gender, which is at the core of this study, is a big component of this information.The semantic transparency of personal names is not always apparent. Kimenyi (1989) in Batoma (2006) states that the linguistic meaning of a name may be opaque due to several factors which include that a name may be a loan-word, that is, a word borrowed from a foreign language; African personal names are usually brief and figurative; and that figuration and brevity characterize oral discursive practices. According to Diagne (2005, 2006), nouns are used in the verbal act of naming among the Bantu people. The scholars that have already been mentioned have looked at the composition of names in relation to their meanings. This study goes further by looking at how the meanings of these personal names relate to the gender status of the name bearer.
What is unique about personal names is that the linguistic meaning does not exhaust the onomastic meaning of the name; it can only assist to construct, deconstruct or understand it.
Ntohombaye (1983) in Batoma (2006) state that the linguistic structure of a name offers a basis
19 for the first level explanation from which the other levels will branch off. This first level is interchangeably called the first meaning, semantic meaning, denotative meaning, or literal meaning. Pfukwa (2007) quotes Crystal (1980:109) by stating:
“Denotation is a term used in semantics as part of the classifications of types of meaning; as opposed to connotation which involves the relationship between a linguistic unit and the non-linguistic entities to which it refers…it is thus equivalent to referential meaning. Denotation points to an object being referred to. A name can have referential properties or meaning where it points to or denotes a person or an object.”
Crystal’s definition is in line with Meiring’s (1980) argument that the importance of a name lies in what it refers to. Crystal (1980) calls denotative meaning “referential meaning” – i.e. to denote is to refer to. In a way, denotation can be seen as a transitional point in the transformation of a lexical item into a full onomastics item.
The second level is called the explanatory or connotative meaning. In this post-lexical phase, a name assumes referential functions and begins to collect connotations. Crystal (1980:82) defines connotation as:
“A term used in semantics as part of a classification of types of meaning; as opposed to denotation. Its main application is with reference to the emotional associations (personal or communal) which are suggested by, or are part of the meaning of a linguistic unit especially, a lexical item. Alternative items for connotative meaning include effective and emotive.The underlying feature of this term is “association”
which carries affective qualities. The meaning of a name loses its clear-cut literal and referential qualities that are found in lexical and denotative meaning. It moves to the abstract and psychological realms that are more difficult to configure. The lexical item by now has lost its semantic link with its referent and it becomes an onomastic label.
At this stage, connotation is now firmly saddled in the onomastics realm where names carry their meaning and significance by association with or sometimes by the emotions they evoke.”
This second level is of paramount importance and is reached through the reconstruction of the motivations behind a name; that is, the reasons why a name has been bestowed on a name bearer. This level of meaning can be called the cultural meaning of the name, for it is the window into the history and philosophy associated with the name. Van Langendonck (1987,
20 2001) describes this as “associative meaning” which has social and cultural implications while Raper (1987) calls it pragmatic meaning. Van Langendonck (1987) statesthat associative meaning can be cultural, emotive, or social. Pfukwa (2007) states that most onomasticians – like Meiring (1980, 1993), Nicolaisen (1987), Raper (1987) and Neethling (1995) – link connotation with onomastics. To quote Nicolaisen (1978:43), “naming is a process by which words become names through association…using a name involves knowledge of the appropriate association.”
Descriptive backing informed this study as well. Pfukwa (2007) states that the concept of descriptive backing extends the meaning of a name by viewing it as a loose collection of “all associations” around the name. According to Meiring (1993) in Louwrens (1993:4), descriptive backing “amounts to the collective content of all conventional beliefs and connotations attached to a name.” These beliefs and connotations can include even the wildest speculations.
They may have a link with the original meaning of the name or they may not.
Leslie and Skipper (1990:279) argue that “the meaning of names is socially negotiated.” There are no final arbiters for the meaning of personal names. This means that we construct the meaning of personal names through social negotiation rather than taking them as epiphenomena to living. The meaning of a name can be viewed as an aggregate of speculations that include and simultaneously exclude certain attributes associated with the name in question.Thus, the Zezuru share common meanings to the gendered names they give to their children. Through descriptive backing, from Meiring’s point of view, names become an integral component of the cultural and historical narratives of a community.
Meiring’s view on descriptive backing sheds light on the present study through the idea that for us to arrive at the true meaning of a name, we must consider the conventional beliefs of the society in which the name is found. This means that when we want to know the meaning of Zezuru personal names and to identify the names which are appropriate to a particular gender, patriarchal beliefs must be taken into consideration. These scholars’ views on how to arrive at the different meanings of names are very relevant to this research. However, this study wanted to find the gendered messages enshrined in Zezuru personal names.
The views of Kimenyi (1989), Neethling and Crystal (1980) certainly shed light on this research in that it is in the connotative nature of Zezuru names that gender connotations are engulfed. As such, African names with Zezuru names included must not be taken for granted.
These names are pregnant with meaning which needs to be unearthed. For one to know the true
21 meaning of a name, one must have linguistic and sociological knowledge of the name.It is not only the traditional linguistic onomastics means of interpreting names which is required, as the connotational artistry must also come into play for one to obtainthe real meaning of a name.
Lawson (1988) regards names as primary texts of personal identity. They occupy a privileged and strategic place within the language and are rich with information pertaining to the identity of the name bearer. The aim of this research was to investigate how names given to individuals inform people about the name bearer’s gender status. Lawson adds that by naming a child, you fulfil the positive function of giving a sense of who they are and of belonging to a community – in the absence of which, one can feel a sense of alienation that can bring disastrous consequences. Lawson’s views were very helpful to this study in establishing that names as another form of identity can go as far as reflecting the gender status of the name bearer.
Pfukwa (2013:57) states that “a personal name is a social statement reflecting the bearer, the namer and the social environment in which the name is found.”Pongweni (1983) articulates that Shona personal names can be classifiedinto six categories, depending on the circumstances prevailing in the family or clan at the time of one’s birth. The categories are as follows:
(a) Zita remudumba – the maternity home name; i.e. the name given to a child in the excitement of the moment, to welcome the new arrival and to congratulate the parents.
(b) Zita regombwa – the name “surrounded by the spirits’’; i.e. a lineage or titular name.
(c) Zita rejemedza – the name given to a child at the diviner’s suggestion after the child’s incessant crying.
(d) Zita remadunhurirwa – a nickname, descriptive of character or inclinations. Such a name is obviously given to a grown-up person in addition to their original name in any of the preceding categories.
(e) Zita rechihani – a name given to a child to mark an important event.
(f) Zita rekudzadura – a name adopted by an individual to replace any of the above, for example if the original is regarded as embarrassing.
Koopman and Zungu (2013:61) declare that the names in the Zulu anthroponymic system can be categorized as follows:
(a) The personal name given to a child soon after birth (igama lasekhaya).
(b) The colonial or European-origin name which a child may later get in life (igama lesilungu).
22 (c) The clan-name (isibongo).
(d) The clan-praise(s) (isithakazelo).
(e) The nickname (isidlaliso).
The categories given by Pongweni (1983), Koopman and Zungu (2013) differ from the present study in that they only lookat the categorization of names, whereas this study looked at how the names given to individuals can be gendered. These works however did inform this study especially regarding the first category given by Koopman and Zungu which deals with the personal name given to a child soon after birth (igama lasekhaya); this relates to the present study’s investigation of how personal names can be gendered. It is most likely that the names found in the various given categories might also be gendered.
Thipa (1984 and 1986) in Neethling (2005:12) puts forward six categories that he identifies for classifying personal names:
(a) Belief in and a response to the supernatural:
The Basotho and amaXhosa do not regard the birth of a child a result of any physiological actions. Instead, they regard the birth a result of some supernatural benevolence. To the Xhosa people who are Christians, such gratitude will go towards God, known as uThiso.To non- Christians, such gratitude may go to uQamata or the ancestors. According to Thipa, this category accommodates many Xhosa personal names. Koopman (2002) expresses that this category of personal names is very prominent among the Zulu people and describes them as
“names referring to the perceived role of God in the birth.”
(b) “Rocking the boat”:
This deals with the birth of illegitimate children. According to Thipa (1984:112), “traditional Basotho and Xhosa have a fundamentally religious attitude to sex.” He adds that a sexual offence “rocks the boat” and harms the smooth relationship in the home, the community, and between the community and the supernatural. Neethling (2005) states that the irony in such names is that the poor innocent child is burdened with a name that will forever remind him or her of the unfortunate circumstances surrounding his or her conception and birth.
(c) The expectation of parents for their children:
This category is very common andrepresents the largest category in the Xhosa society.
Koopman (2002:34) states that these names usually reflect the state of mind of the parents at the time of naming the child.
23 (d) Reincarnation:
Thipa (1984) statesthis has to do with naming children after prominent persons in society or in the world. The hope is that the good qualities of the prominent person will continue through his namesake. Politicians come into play in this regard. Thipa (1984) articulates that “with the rise of a Black Consciousness movement and also with the rise of African nationalism brought about very largely by political independence, the pattern of naming seems to be changing.”
(e) Names which refer to historical and other memorable events:
Neethling (2005) expresses that this category is not prominent at all among the Xhosa people.
(f) Names which have something to do with death:
Thipa states that death with its many unfathomable mysteries, plays an important role in most societies.And just likeother societies, the death of a childamong the Xhosa brings traumatic moments.Usually, if a child is born after the parents have experienced the death of another child, the new child may be given a derogatory name to convince the evil forces responsible for the previous deaththat nobody really cares about this new child and therefore should not be interested in the child. De Klerk and Bosch (1995:70) refer to such names as ’derogatory protective’, because they serve as distracters in making the ancestors believe that the new child is unwanted.
Neethling (1995) adds two other categories to the categories given by Pongweni (1983), Koopman and Zungu (2013), and Thipa (1984 and 1986). He adds what he calls the
‘Composition/Extension of the family.’ On this, Neethling states that parents are fond of giving children names that refer to the structure of the family – for example, the sex of the child or the number of children. In his study of Zulu names, Koopman (2002) found that this category constituted 31% of his collected names. De Klerk and Bosch (1995:78) state that this category of names isusually a social comment on the size and composition of the family, the number of children, and their respective sexes.
Neethling (1995) states that Thipa (1983) left out a very common category which has to do with special circumstances in the family or community just prior to or during birth.
It was in the interest of this research to find out if the categories given by Pongweni (1983) and Thipa (1984) could correctly accommodate the personal names given to Zezuru people, and go further to assess these names to see if they have gender biases. Fortunately, the research benefited a great deal from the categories of personal names provided by the various scholars,
24 in that they it looked at how the names in these various categories reflected the gender status of the name bearers.
Makondo (2009) states that Shona people’s selection and use of personal names is not ad hoc as it entails several interrelated factors that require one’s undivided attention to decipher them.
He adds that one must consider the context that gave rise to the various given names the Shona people have. Makondo (2009) identifies eleven interrelated factors which influence the choice of names among the Shona people. These are age, gender, education, namers, residential area, religion, profession, birth order, historical and birth circumstances. The latter encompasses political, economic and social issues amongst others. The factors identified by Makondo greatly shape one’s perceptions, priorities, worldview and inclinations. From his research, Makondo established that different age groups, genders, namers and people from various residential areaspreferred various types of names. It was also established that a name maybe a result of more than one factor, which is an indication that these factors should not be looked at in isolation. Neethling (1995:957) comprehensively discusses the role played by socio- cultural circumstances. Brender (1963) in Lawson (1988) states that there are motivational factors in the naming process which include psycho analysis, family tradition, religion, fashion, and the desire for uniqueness.These are all sources from which namers derive names. Kahari (1990) opines that the significance of names arises from socio-historical circumstances. Sengani and Ladzani (2014:34) state that “names are purported to be a deliberate reflection of events and the people’s circumstances related to history.” It was in the interest of this research that the researcher sought to find out the extent to which personal names given to Zezuru people mirror gender in society.
From the views of the various scholars, it appears that thereare several factors which influence name choices. This research intended to further investigate these factors by looking at the personal names given to people and the circumstances which led to the names. While the abovementioned scholars dealt with various factors that influence name choice, this study was mainly concerned with gender as one of the factors in as far as it is reflected in Zezuru personal names.