THE EXPERIENCES OF CHILDREN WHO ARE HEADS OF HOUSEHOLDS IN HAMMARSDALE
NOMLINDO EUNICE DLUNGWANA
JANUARY 2007
THE EXPERIENCES OF CHILDREN WHO ARE HEADS OF HOUSEHOLDS IN HAMMARSDALE
NOMLINDO EUNICE DLUNGWANA
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Social Science (Social Work) by the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban.
JANUARY 2007
Submitted with the approval of my supervisor.
^£M^c^~^ //. OAL. ZOO 7
Doctor Reshma Sathiparsad Date
Section
Chapter 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.6.1 1.6.2 1.6.3
1.7 1.8 Chapter 2
2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.8.1 2.8.2
2.9 2.1 Figure 1 Chapter 3
3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.5.1 3.5.2 3.5.3 3.5.4
3.5.5 3.6
Title
TABLE OF C
Declaration Dedication
Acknowledgements Acronyms
Abstract Introduction
Background of the Study Rationale for Research Objectives of the study Research Questions
Theoretical Framework Guiding the Study Research Methods
The Qualitative Approach Sampling
Data Analysis Definitions
Presentation of Contents Literature Review Introduction
The Extent of HIV/AIDS in South Africa
The extent of Child-Headed Households in South Africa Child-Headed Households: Socio-Economic Effects Effects on Psycho-Social Development
Child-Headed Households and Children's Rights Poverty and its Impact on Orphaned Children
Government Response tc Poverty and Orphaned Children Growth, Employment & Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) Government Departments' Policies on OVC.
The Department of Health
The Department of Social Development The Department of Education
Coping Strategies of Children Heading Households
Summary of Challenges Faced by Children Heading House!
Challenges Faced by Child-Headed Households Research Methodology
Introduction
The Setting of the Study Research Design
The Qualitative Approach The Research Process Negotiating Access Sampling
Preparatory Interviews with Participants Data Collection
The Research Instrument The Process of Data Collection Data Analysis
Limitations of the Study
Page
1 2 3 4 4 6 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 9 11 14 14 17 21 21 22 23 23 24 26 29 30 31
32 32 32 34 35 35 36 37 37 37 38 40 41
3.7 3.8 Chapter 4
4.1 4.2 Table 1
4.3 4.3.1
4.3.2 4.3.3 4.3.4 4.3.5 4.3.6 4.3.7 4.4 Chapter 5
5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 7 8
Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C
Ethical Issues Conclusion
Analysis and Discussion of Results Introduction
The Participants
Biographical Details of Participants Discussion of Findings
Poor Living Conditions Lack of food and Begging Lack of Proper Housing
Psychological and Emotional Effects Lack of Safety at Home
Challenges Regarding Social Grants Effects on Schooling
Access to Support Structures Coping Strategies
Summary
Concusion and Recommendations Introduction
Poor Living Conditions
Psychological and Emotional Effects Safety at Home
Challenges regarding Social Grants Effects on Schooling
Access to Support Structures Coping Strategies
Conclusions Drawn from the Study Material Needs
Safety at Home
Psychological and emotional Prob Schooling
Lack of Support Coping Strategies
ems
Improvement of Children's Situation Recommendations
Conclusions References
The Interview Guide Participants' Consent Form Permission to Conduct Research
42 43
44 45 53 54 54 54 56 58 61 63 65 67 72 73
74 74 76 76 76 77 77 78 79 79 79 79 80 80 80 80 81 83 84
Declaration of originality
I hereby declare that the whole of this dissertation, unless specifically indicated to the contrary in the text, is my original work.
University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, JANUARY 2007 Nomlindo Eunice Dlungwana
Dedication
This research report is dedicated to my two children, Lukhanyo and Dino who have been so patient during all the times I was not available for them, due to my studies.
Acknowledgements
I wish to express my sincere appreciation to my supervisor, Dr Reshma Sathiparsad for her guidance and support: throughout the study. Thank you for holding my hand at times when I thought I would never finish this piece of work.
The writing of this dissertation would not have been made possible without the support of my sister Vuyokazi, who spent all her time typing this piece of work.
Thanks to my colleagues and friends for sharing time and ideas and for other various forms of support I have received during this period.
A special thanks to the participants for their interest and inputs.
As always, the unconditional patience and support of my husband has been fundamental to the completion of this dissertation.
Acronyms
WHO World Health Organisation NGO Non Government Organisation HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus
AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome 1ST Institution Support Team
PGSES Psychological Guidance and Special Education Services UNAIDS The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
ABSTRACT
This dissertation is an exploration of the experiences and challenges faced by children who are heads of households, and are obliged to head families, which entails caring for their siblings, assuming adult roles and taking care of the general running of the households. A review of the literature revealed that research based on the experiences of children who are heads of households is a neglected field of study and there is limited information on the topic.
This study aimed to explore, describe and interpret the experiences of children who are heads of households. The study attempted to highlight relevant issues that may provide guidance to different stakeholders in their efforts to deal with orphaned children, child-headed households and children who are affected by HIV and AIDS.
Qualitative research processes were used in this study. Data collection took the form of face-to-face interviews, using an interview guide in making the interviews more flexible and at the same time covering all the aspects the researcher wanted to cover.
Findings of the study revealed that orphaned children who are heading households experience various problems in addition to material needs. The study revealed that the main problem is poverty, lack of support structures, for example, support from family members, friends and the community at large and secondly, the unavailability and inaccessibility of service providers. The study also revealed that social discrimination experienced by orphans in child-headed households impacts negatively on their social functioning and education. Based on these findings, recommendations are made with regard to the roles of the Departments of Social Welfare, Health, Education and Home Affairs in ensuring satisfactory services to orphaned children who are heads of
households.
v.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
This study is about child-headed households not necessarily as a result of HIV/AIDS but the literature available is mainly HIV/AIDS related. The increasing phenomenon of children living in child-headed households counts as one of the most pressing concerns facing South African society. It had been estimated that by the end of 2005 there were more than 1 million children under the age of 16 who would have lost their parents due to HIV and AIDS and by 2010 there will be more than 2 million children under 16 who will be orphaned and fending for themselves and their siblings (Sloth- Nielson, 2004:2). According to Sloth-Nielson (2004) KwaZulu-Natal is especially severely affected by the HIV and AIDS pandemic and in 2001 it was estimated that there were already 300,000 orphans in the province.
According to Toening-Voyage and Wilson (1998), orphaned children face special challenges, such as threats to their security and survival. They have self-actualisation and socialisation and bereavement counselling needs. These children are faced with different situations and threats such as social, psychological, physical and survival problems (Sloth-Nielson 2004). Orphaned children are disadvantaged in numerous and often devastating ways. Adding to the trauma of witnessing the sickness and death of one or both parents, these children are likely to be poorer and less healthy than non-orphans. They are likely to suffer damage to their cognitive and emotional development, less likely to go to school regularly, and more likely to be subjected to the worst forms of child abuse including child labour (UNICEF, 2003).
According to Sandhei and Richth (2003:36), the big story about AIDS orphans in South Africa and the individual stories of children called AIDS orphans are often portrayed in simplistic terms. The lived experiences of orphaned children heading households might help to illustrate some details and help individuals, groups, communities and the government to see beyond what appears to be obvious. The impact of HIV and AIDS on the lives of South Africans, particularly children, is staggering. Aside from being affected themselves, a rising number of children have to
witness their parents and/or primary caregivers getting sick and eventually dying.
Mbambo (2005:36) asserted that the burden of caring for a sick or dying adult and assuming an adult responsibility at an early age robs children of their childhood.
According to Mbambo (200:5:36) these children find themselves caring for themselves and their siblings with no adult supervision. Furthermore children find themselves with no one to take care of them and to weave them into the social fabric.
Mbambo (2005:36) further argued that HIV and AIDS related vulnerability particularly in the context of child-headed households is exacerbated by the absence of a regular or constant adult in the lives of children, which result in children dropping out of school, suffering from emotional problems, and being at risk of being affected with HIV/AIDS.
Expecting children to head households is too big a responsibility and it is the infringement of their rights to family care or parental care, or to appropriate alternative care as entrenched in the South African Constitution, Act no. 108 of 1996, section 28(1) (b) and other policies both nationally and internationally.
1.2 RATIONALE FOR THE RESEARCH
As a social worker employed by the Department of Education, I work primarily with school children (learners), offering supportive services to them and helping them with barriers they might be experiencing which hinders the capacity to reach their full potential. Some principals of both primary and secondary schools in the Pinetown District raised concerns about children who are heads of households. These principals raised concerns that they experience difficulties when they need to consult with an adult regarding some of their learners' problems as some of them are orphans and are coming from child-headed households.
This study was motivated by the concerns expressed by principals, health workers and social workers in the area about child-headed households and their development.
Some of the concerns they raised included poor living conditions, lack of adult supervision and lack of support from relevant service providers. The purpose of this study was therefore to explore the experiences of children who are heads of
households. My interest in conducting this study was based on an increasing number of referrals from schools pertaining to the problems experienced by learners (children) who are heading households. The media and literature on orphans give ample evidence on the existence of child-headed households, although so far there is limited formal research in this area. This study therefore hoped to contribute towards closing that gap. It is the intention of this study to provide valuable insight on the experiences of children heading households from their own perspective.
This study intended to give participants an opportunity to open up and to talk about their own experiences, feelings and challenges. It was hoped that besides being therapeutic to them this study would be able to complement previous studies in highlighting the gaps pertaining to the support structures available for orphaned children in general and child-headed households in particular. It is hoped that this may lead to the re-evaluation of policies and programs aimed at orphaned children heading households.
One of the strategies of the: Department of Education in caring for all its learners, especially in the light of HIV and AIDS prevention, is to transform all schools to be centres of care and support. The study intends to contribute to research undertaken previously in the field of HIV and AIDS and its impact on children. The study focused on the experiences of children who are heads of households. It is evident that the government has attempted to provide some welfare support and safety network for children affected by HIV and AIDS through provision of social grants and other poverty alleviation programmes. However this study provides evidence that there are still gaps and problems concerning service delivery and lack of or inaccessibility of resources especially for the poorest of the poor living in informal settlements and in rural areas.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
This study aimed at exploring the experiences of children who are heads of households. More specifically the study sought to explore the challenges faced by these children in relation to financial support, schooling, psychological, emotional and social effects, coping strategies and accessible support services.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
(i). What are the challenges faced by children heading households with regard to financial status, home management, schooling, access to support structures and their safety at home.
(ii). How has being heads of households affected children emotionally, psychologically and socially?
(iii). What are these children's main coping strategies?
(iv). What do these children think could be done to improve their circumstances?
1.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK GUIDING THE STUDY
The ecological model informs this study. According to Brower (1988) the ecological model has conceptual appeal to describe how people interact with their environments.
"Theory and research in the area of social recognition that is how people make sense of their surroundings and then respond to what they see, are used to explicate a basic component of the ecological model, that people create niches for themselves from their environments"(Brower, 1988:11). In general, the ecological model entails looking at people in relation to their environments and how they interact with them.
According to Whittaker, Schinke and Gilchrist (cited in Strom-Gottfried, 1999) the ecological model puts its emphasis on understanding the multiple contextual influences on human behaviour. Whittaker et al (1986) as cited in Strom-Gottfried (1999) further argued that the dual focus of the ecological model is on improving social support networks such as the family, school, neighbours, church, friends, and other service providers.
This model is relevant to this study because the child-headed households are viewed in interaction with their environments in trying to understand their challenges, and in coming up with recommendations on how can the available resources be used to benefit all the affected children. When parents die leaving their children behind, the family system is disrupted and there are role changes whereby the elder child assumes an adult role of caring for his/her siblings, there will be a disruption in the family routine, as children will be unable to attend school on a regular basis. Children will not get enough food, no proper medical care, no proper support from Social Services
and other child welfare agencies, and little or no support from the extended family.
Strom-Gottfried (1999) highlighted that every system has boundaries within which there is great interaction between the members and people outside of the boundary.
The ecological model is a holistic, dynamic, interactional systems approach, based on ecology (Stepney & Ford, 2000:94). They further argued that the planet is believed to consist of a number of systems and subsystems and the physical surroundings. These different subsystems are involved in a constant process of mutual interaction with one another. The immediate settings in which individuals develop are called the micro- systems. Interaction between the micro-systems constitutes meso-systems. Moving further outwards, the settings that influence an individual's development but that are not directly involved are called the exo-systems, and the final level of influence that consists of the cultural and societal environments in which all the other systems are embedded is called the macro-systems.
In applying the ecological model, one could argue that a child can be seen as a part of a number of micro-systems starting with their immediate families and going on to include the extended family networks, school and the neighbourhood settings. As an adult, further micro-systems can play a significant role in shaping the health, well- being and development of individuals involved. With orphans and child-headed households this equilibrium is disturbed as early as in the micro level because they do not have parents and most of them do not have support of their extended families, which means such children do not have developed networks with their extended families as in most cases there had been no links with the relatives. There is also a disturbance in as far as school is concerned as most of the children heading households had to dropout of school to take care of their siblings, and to seek for employment so as to provide for their families. Another disruption occurs at the community level whereby the child-headed household are discriminated.
According to Stepney & Ford (2000) the interaction between the micro-systems makes up the meso-system. The nature of the interconnections between the micro- systems and the nature of the connections between the children and their peer groups is determined by a number of factors which are, (i) whether parents are in touch with educators at school and (ii) whether they keep contact with the extended family,
neighbours and a circle of friends. Strom-Gottfried (1999) further argued that parents' micro-systems such as their friendship networks and workplace including level of pay, conditions of employment and hours of work will have an influence on the child's development although the child is not directly participating in the system, however the exo-system influencing the child are likely to be independent of their parents such as the school governing body, local youth forums an other leisure activities.
The final element of the ecological model is the macro-systems in which everything else is embedded. Stepney & Ford (2000) stated that macro-systems consist of cultural, political, economic, legal and the religious context of the society in which children and adults are developing. In this level the society's attitudes towards orphans and child-headed households are evaluated. It is in this level where one can see whether societies are able to support their children in times of hardships. It is in this level where government interventions to support children are clearly displayed.
This is where changes need to occur in levels. In as far as this study is concerned, it was clear that there are support and intervention strategies put in place by various Government departments for orphans and other vulnerable children, but there are still gaps in the implementation of these strategies.
1.6 RESEARCH METHODS 1.6.1 The Qualitative Approach
In this section, I provide a brief overview of the research methods in this study. The methodology is described in detail in Chapter Three. Qualitative research methods were used in conducting this study. According to Edward and Talbot (1994) qualitative research methodology allows for in depth data collection, captures complexities and allows a focus on the local understanding and sense of participants in the case. In-depth face-to-face interviews were used to get in-depth information from participants. An interview guide with semi-structured and open-ended questions was used to collect data from participants. This was a preferred method because, it allowed participants to open up freely and share their experiences using their own understanding. It also allowed participants to relate experiences and describe
situations as perceived by them. Data collection was done manually whereby the researcher took notes during the interviews.
1.6.2 Sampling
A purposive sampling method was used for the selection of research participants.
This sampling method was used because I sought out participants who possessed the characteristics that I was interested in studying. I selected participants who would enable me to make meaningful comparison in relation to my research questions.
Cohen et al (2000) stated that in purposive sampling, researchers handpick the cases to be included in the sample on the basis of their judgement and their typicality.
1.6.3 Data Analysis
The data were analysed using qualitative analysis. Data analysis were done manually whereby the researcher typed all the data collected during the interviews, and the original copies were kept in a safe place for future reference. The researcher then read through the typed scripts thoroughly, looking for the differences and similarities in the data. Data were then put in categories according to similarities and differences. Broad themes for discussion were drawn from the data. This process is described in greater detail in Chapter Three.
1.7 DEFINITIONS
S A child - According to the South African Constitution, Act 108 Of 1996, a child is any person under the age of 18.
S Orphan - A child who has lost either one or both parents. UNICEF in the global AIDS report 2004:62, differentiates between maternal, paternal and double orphans whereby children who have lost their mothers are called maternal orphans and children who have lost their fathers are called paternal orphans and children who have lost both parents are known as double or orphans. Most children who are heads of households or living in child-headed households are double orphans.
•S Child headed household - is defined as a household headed by a child who is
below the age of 18 years and whose primary responsibility is to provide food, clothing, and psychosocial support to their siblings and their own children (Mbambo, 2004:36)
•S Informal Settlement -for the purpose of this study, informal settlements are
defined as those dense settlements comprising communities housed in self constructed shelters made mainly of old wood with no proper ventilation and erected on non-serviced sites with no water taps, no sewerage resources and no electricity (shacks).
•S RDP houses - Reconstruction and Development Programme houses are low cost houses built by the government for unemployed people and people earning low income.
1.8 PRESENTATION OF CONTENTS
The researcher introduced and provided a broad overview of the study in chapter one.
The background of the study, the rationale for the research, value of the study, objectives of the study and research questions has been briefly discussed. Main concepts used in this study were identified and defined. The remainder of this report is divided into the following Chapters:
• Chapter Two consists of the literature review.
• Chapter Three details the research methodology of the study.
a Chapter Four provides an analysis and discussion of the results of the study.
• Chapter Five outlines the main findings, conclusions and recommendations drawn from the study.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The increase in the number of children from child-headed households is a cause for concern. Statistics from AIDS orphans in Africa revealed that by 2010 the number of children from child-headed households in South Africa would be about 2 million.
(Padayachee & Rajcoomer, 2004:2). The National Minister of Social Development Dr Zola Skweyiya acknowledged the increase in numbers of orphaned and vulnerable children. He further said that according to the Census 2001, the total number of households headed by children under the age of 19 years was 248 424 00 (Sunday World, 6 November 2005).
According to USAID (2000) the phenomenon of child-headed households is one of the key social challenges associated with the HIV and AIDS epidemic. There is limited literature on child-headed households, and even the available literature on the topic focuses mainly on child-headed households in relation to HIV and AIDS.
According to Sloth-Nielson and September (2002) KwaZulu-Natal is especially badly affected by the HIV and AIDS pandemic with already more than 300,000 orphans in 2001. This chapter outlines the following: HIV and AIDS in South Africa, Extent of child-headed households in South Africa, Socio-economic effects, The extent of orphan-hood in South Africa, Child-headed households: effects on children, Child- headed households and Children's Rights, The Government response to poverty affecting orphans and other vulnerable children, and Children's Coping Strategies.
2.2 HIV AND AIDS IN SOUTH AFRICA
According to Harber (1998) few decades ago, HIV and AIDS were regarded primarily as a health crisis, but today it is clear that HIV and AIDS is also a crisis that affects economic and social development. Harber (1998) further stated that there is compelling evidence that the trend in HIV and AIDS will ultimately impact on the number of orphans in society which will result in an intense burden of suffering among individuals and households. HIV and AIDS is said to be unique in its
devastating impact on the economic and demographic underpinnings of development.
Nattrass (2004) supports the above view that the AIDS epidemic in Southern Africa is not only a major public health crisis but also a threat to economic development and social solidarity.
According to UNICEF report (2003) internationally 1 in every 3 children who are orphans are younger than 5 years and an increasing number of abandoned children live in urban cities in Africa. The chronic illness and death of a parent are uniquely stressful life events; perhaps the most difficult experience a youth can face (Christ, Siegal & Sperber 1994, cited in Nattrass, 2004)
Nattras (2004) further draws; attention to the fact that South Africa is home to more HIV positive people than any other country in the world. More that 1 in 5 South African adults are HIV positive and AIDS deaths are expected to rise sharply until 2010. Recent research has shown that over a million children could be orphaned by 2015 as a result; such health shocks are devastating not only for families and communities but also for the broader society and economy. Previous research and literature has shown that the increase in number of HIV and AIDS infections and related deaths resulted in child-headed households.
According to IDAS A (2000) the combination of pre-existing social, cultural, legal, economical and political conditions provide fertile ground for the spread of HIV and set the stage for a full-scale epidemic. In KwaZulu- Natal the history of violence in the 90's, meant that significant number children lost one or both of their parents. To those children who have already lost a parent due to violence, the trauma of losing another parent or caregiver is even more traumatic.
"The impact of HIV and AIDS on the lives of South Africans, particularly children, is staggering and aside from the consequences of being infected themselves, these children have to witness their parents or primary caregivers getting sick and eventually dying" (Mbambo, 2005:36). Mbambo (2005) further lamented that in the context of HIV and AIDS the concept of vulnerability refers to children in households where the main caregiver is ill as a result of the virus, and children in households where there is no adult and children are taking care of one another.
"The vulnerability of children orphaned by AIDS and those orphaned in other circumstances has been the subject of debate, with some feeling that there is a lot of attention accorded to HIV and AIDS related orphan-hood to the exclusion of other causes of child vulnerability. The experiences and problems of vulnerable children are similar, however HIV and AIDS related vulnerability particularly in the context of child-headed households is exacerbated by the absence of a regular or constant adult in the children's lives" (Mbambo, 2005:36). These children are left to fend for themselves under very difficult conditions, and besides everything else they are faced with extreme poverty. They do not know where their next meal will come from, as they either depend on relatives or neighbours to get food.
2.3 THE EXTENT OF CHILD-HEADED HOUSEHOLDS IN SOUTH AFRICA
Although in most cases it is adults who contract AIDS, children suffer the most consequences or effects of the pandemic. Nattrass (2004) stated that children feel the overall impact of AIDS because at times they die young through being infected by their parents, they at times must care for sick and dying parents, must act as parents and provide for their siblings after the death of parents, they struggle to survive in an adult world that discriminates against their status or circumstances. Nyembezi (2003) argued that protecting the rights and caring for these orphaned children is one of the greatest challenges facing the South African communities and government, because once they become orphans their right to protection is violated as there is no-one to protect and care for them..
Statistics from USAID Report (2002) have shown that 1 million South African children under the age of 15 years will have lost their mothers to AIDS by 2005. This figure is estimated to increase to around 2 million by 2010 (Department of Health Statistic 2002). According to Whiteside & Sunter (2000:9) children who loose a parent to AIDS suffer loss and grief like any other orphan; however their loss is exacerbated by prejudice and social exclusion. From the statistics given it is evident that in South Africa there are thousands of HIV and AIDS orphans and other vulnerable children that remain unnoticed by authorities. There are a number of policies in place which have the potential to eliminate many of the problems facing orphans and other vulnerable children, but they are not monitored and evaluated
enough to ensure efficiency. Poverty and high rate of unemployment also play a role in exacerbating the situation of orphans and other vulnerable children.
US AID revealed that in 2000, about 90% of the 11 million orphans left by the global AIDS epidemic were children from Sub-Sahara Africa (USAID, 2000). According to USAID, in 2000 Southern Africa had 2, 9 million maternal and double orphans i.e.
those who have lost either their mother or both parents, and 8% of these children were under the age of 15 years. The phenomenon of child-headed households is one of the key social challenges associated with the HIV and AIDS epidemic.
Children under 16 years of age should not be responsible for a household. These children are expected to be at school as stated in the South African Schools Act no. 84 of 1996. The Child Care Act no. 74 of 1983 makes it illegal for them to work and thus they are forced into abusive and exploitative employment if they have to support themselves and others. The National Minister of Social Development, Dr. Zola Skweyiya acknowledged the increase in numbers of orphans and vulnerable children.
He (the minister) said that according to Census 2001, the total households headed by the children under the age of 19 years was 248 424 00 (Sunday World, 6 November 2005).
The problem of increasing orphan-hood in areas of Sub-Sahara Africa badly affected by HIV epidemic has been receiving attention (UNICEF, 1991). A number of studies have attempted to predict the future impact of the HIV and AIDS epidemic on orphan- hood. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimated that in 2000 there were more than 10 million children orphaned because either parent had died of AIDS related disease. Poorer communities may be in jeopardy with regard to the requirement to the care of orphans. These communities are less able to provide support to the orphans due to their limited economic resources and lack of proper infrastructure.
The first systematic attempt to enumerate orphans and study their social and economic characteristics was conducted in Uganda in 1989 (Hunter 1990, Dunn 1992 as cited in the UNAID Report, 2002). "In spite of the enormity of the current and impending orphan crisis, and despite the call to mobilize resources for data collection and planning in order to prevent disaster, there has seen little evidence of such
mobilization-taking place"(Hunter 1990 cited in UNAID, 2002). Most extended family members are willing to take care of orphans, but they have little or no information of the support available from the Government to support these orphans.
"Description of the orphan situation have tended to concentrate on cases where family support mechanisms have appeared to breakdown by emphasizing failures of the extended family system of caring and by suggesting innovative non-traditional strategies of support such as children's home, foster homes and day care centres"
(Armstrong 1993, cited in UNAID, 2002).
According to Walker, Reid and Cornell (2004) it is estimated that by 2015 almost 12% South African children will be orphaned as a result of HIV and AIDS related deaths. They further argued that South Africa is seeing increasing numbers of children in distress, a situation made worse by the collapse of the traditional models of child care such as the extended family. Walker et al (2004) further stated that childhood has been re-examined in the light of the fact that children are most vulnerable to HIV infections and to the social and economic consequences of the epidemic. Changes in the family structure and the roles that children have to play in the absence of parental authority are new and urgent priorities for research.
While there are no conclusive figures regarding the extent of children orphaned by HIV and AIDS in South Africa UNICEF (2001) estimated that by 2003 some 990 000 children under 18 years lost a mother and that 2.13 million children had lost their fathers, primarily as a result of HIV and AIDS. It is projected that in the absence of wide-scale measures to prevent parental death from HIV and AIDS, by 2015, some 1, 97 million children in South Africa would have lost both parents (Mbambo, 2005:36).
For Mbambo (2005:36), the vulnerability of orphaned children is evident from three perspectives, which include firstly, basic survival needs such as food, shelter clothing and basic health care, secondly, psychological and emotional effects including need for love, need for protection, care and emotional support from a caring adult and lastly development needs such as lack of adult guidance and constant and continuous supervision.
2.4 CHILD-HEADED HOUSEHOLDS: SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS.
For Nattrass (2004), the burden of AIDS will continue to be borne unevenly in South Africa. This is largely because of South Africa's high unemployment rate and the strong connection between unemployment, poverty and HIV infections. Unemployed people live in vast poverty that might lead them to engage in unprotected sex through prostitution to get money to buy food, clothes etc and also abuse of drugs due to either boredom or to drown their sorrows, and they normally share needles. The income gap between the employed and unemployed will continue to harden with a socio- economic divide bringing life to one side and death to the other leading to inequalities and class differences. In South Africa the gap between the rich and the poor is too big, the housing aspects or style is enough to differentiate between poor and rich. Nattrass (2004) further stated that because poverty contributes to the spread of AIDS, poverty alleviation is a precondition for combating AIDS but on the other hand AIDS undermines productivity and economic growth, which is necessary for sustainable livelihoods.
One of the ways HIV and AIDS are expected to cause insecurity is via the large number of children who will be orphaned by the epidemic. Many experts have warned that without the proper care and support, these children will be vulnerable to antisocial tendencies. Cheek (not documented) argues that orphans who are disconnected from social, economic and political support structures constitute an
"extra national" population group who could become tools for ethnic warfare, economic exploitation and political opportunism. Schonteich (1999) argues that children losing parents due to AIDS face particular disadvantages beyond other orphans including discrimination, social exclusion, loss of education and health care, psychological stress of what can be a particularly traumatic and drawn-out parental death. Many of these orphans are raised without proper parental supervision and are consequently at risk of becoming involved in criminal activities.
2.5 EFFECTS ON PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT.
Gilbert D.J (2001) draws attention to the following factors that a school is often the first place where the behavioural and emotional problems of children affected by HIV and AIDS are exhibited. School Social Workers are in a unique position to meet the intervention needs of affected children. Gilbert (2001) further argued that when affected children are acting out their most disturbing emotions, their behaviour confuses and distracts parents/ caregivers, teachers and even case managers who become so pre-occupied with the surface behaviour that they are unable to address the underlying emotional issues involved.
Gilbert (2001) also stated that the inability to express openly feelings about a parent's death or illness might lead to subtle behavioural and self-concept changes. According to Pequegnat and Szapocznik (2000) losing a parent in adolescence is of particular concern because this may affect the developmental processes of self-concept, identity formation, interpersonal relations, schoolwork, family involvement and psychological well-being. At the individual level bereavement can impede a youth's successful completion of these developmental tasks and interfere with the successful transition to adulthood.
"The negative impact on adolescents whose parents lived with HIV and AIDS may be even greater than would be suggested by the bereavement literature. These families typically experience additional stressors, including stigma protracted illnesses and internal and familial conflict over disclosure (i.e. whom to disclose to? when to disclose? how much information to disclose?) Because HIV and AIDS is associated with poverty, lack of supporting resources such as a second parent in the home and involvement in substance use sub-cultures, may adversely affect the family's coping strategies" (Capitamio 1993 cited in Gilbert, 2001).
According to Bor and Elford (1998) the stigma and secrecy surrounding AIDS can have many adverse consequences on orphans. They may not be permitted to talk about the illness and death either within or outside the family. Dane and Miller (1992) have noted that children who lose a parent to AIDS may feel guilty and without
discussing their feelings, they may blame themselves. Often parents will not reveal their status to the family of discrimination. As pointed out by Lewis 2001 cited in (Stein, 2003:18) stigma often influences parents' decision to refrain from disclosing their status to their children, as they want to protect them from discrimination.
Further, when children know there is a family secret they are not told, it engenders feeling of isolation. Bor and Elford (1998) have noted that secrecy about parents' diagnosis or death leads children to believe that something shameful has occurred.
According to Bor and Elford (1998) in one study, none of the adolescent interviewed had revealed the mother's status even to their closest friends. The further stated that the shame these children feel is not only self-imposed but they are frequently the targets of ridicule by classmates and peers. Carter (2004 cited in Nattrass, 2004:18) argued that many people do not reveal their status even if they have tested positive, for fear of becoming ostracised within their community. Hutchinson (2003 cited in Nattrass, 2004) supports the above, stating that communities often stigmatise and discriminate when they discover that someone in their community or even their own families is HIV positive. A report by UNICEF (2001) found that stigma and discrimination were playing; an important role in perpetuating the vulnerability of orphans and vulnerable children. Van Dyk (2003 cited in Nattrass, 2004) stated that stigma could result in negative consequences for children in communities where families do not want to care for children orphaned due to HIV and AIDS related deaths.
According to Bor and Elford (1998) the taunting of these children by peers and discrimination at school can seriously undermine emotional well- being, social competence and achievement. They further stated that it is likely that uninfected children might worry that they have contracted AIDS from an ill parent. They may be anxious about their own future health and so constitute an overlooked population of worried individuals. Because family communication about HIV and AIDS is usually discouraged such distressing misconceptions often go uncorrected.
Bor and Elford (1998) stated that," the very real social discrimination that infected and related individuals suffer may justify secrecy also precludes open expression of grief, accessing of appropriate support systems and participation in the societal rituals
that facilitate grief work and the process of decathexis. The sustained care, support and environmental stability so important to adjustment after death often are compromised among "AIDS" orphans." Bor and Elford (1998) further stated that parents often fail to make adequate custody plans for their children and that in the absence of proper planning; orphans might be placed in foster care or another temporary care situation, which increases their vulnerability to physical or psychological distress.
Further Bor and Elford (1998) stated that when custody planning does not occur, siblings are more likely to be separated. Frequently relatives will agree to assume custody for younger children but not for adolescents especially if they show behavioural problems (e.g. truancy, drug use or sexual acting out). However, it is noted that in socio economically disadvantaged families older siblings are often the primary caretakers of young ones. Dane and Miller as cited in Bor & Elford (1998) noted that the death of parent might be only one of several losses; children may experience losses across generations 'lose the security of the relationship and familiar environment'. Their sense of security may be totally disrupted; evoking concerns about their survival and that of others they care about and depend on, especially when there are possibilities of them being placed in the care of different caregivers, under the Child Care Act 74/1983.
2.6 CHILD-HEADED HOUSEHOLDS AND CHILDREN'S RIGHTS.
"The burden of caring for a sick parent and assuming adult responsibility at a tender age flies in the face of the notion of childhood. Childhood is that critical phase of life that must be fully experienced by all individuals to ensure their nurturing and development. Part of being a child is having an adult particularly a parent or parents caring for you helping you to develop your unique capacities and weave them into the social fabric" (Mbambo, 2005:36). Mbambo (2005) further stated that the children's right to be children and to enjoy their childhood is cut short when they have to assume adult roles when their parents die.
According to Padayachee (2004: 35) orphaned children especially those who are heads of households or coming from child-headed households are at risk of contracting HIV and AIDS as they at times unintentionally turn to prostitution so as to get money to buy food, clothes and even to pay school fees. With what is happening in our communities nowadays with regard to increase in crime levels, one can say that the increase in the number of orphaned and vulnerable children has created opportunities for an increase in social crime, as children will resort to stealing to meet their basic needs for an example food, clothes and shelter. These children sometimes turn to substance abuse so as to get temporary relief from thinking about their circumstances, and some of them have resorted to living in the streets.
"The social and economic conditions of being without parental guidance control and role models to assist in fostering a democratic culture and social morals may lead children to resort to crime and other social ills. Insufficient support and assistance to access services such as social welfare, education and health services compound their economic and socially vulnerable position within society and increase children's marginalization within the society" (UNAID Report, 2004). Children who have lost their parents are at risk of suffering with emotional and psychological effects as they have to live with the fear of having contracted the virus themselves and at the same time they feel the sense of isolation as at times it is not easy for them to disclose or to share their experiences, as HIV/AIDS is still not something talked about in most homes and communities.
Monaschen & Snoad (2003) as cited in the Report on Global AIDS Epidemic (2004), stated that these children suffer a lot of bereavement through the loss of one or both of their parents, siblings and extended family members and these losses are usually preceded by long periods of illness. These children suffer additional trauma associated with losing a parent exacerbated by the threat of losing a second parent especially where the remaining parent seemed sicklier than the one who is already dead. Some of these children experience disempowerment and helplessness when witnessing the parent's physical deterioration, pain and death especially if the child is also caregiver (child-headed household) as some of the children have to nurse their dying parents. A study by Khmer as cited in the UNAID Report (2004) revealed that these children experience feelings of guilt, sense of failure for not preventing parents' pain, suffering
and eventually death. The Khmer report further revealed that these children experience anxiety because their source of livelihood and their ability to retain the family home after the death of the parents becomes under threat. This is common in rural areas especially in the African culture whereby the paternal relatives will automatically inherit the home and livestock living children more destitute.
According to Dr. Zola Skweyiya the national Minister of Social Development "in deep rural areas, the stigma of AIDS means that orphan families, many headed by children as young as 10 or 11 years of age are often shunned by families and neighbours, people are scared even of touching them. "The neighbours will just peep through the windows and sometimes they put food in plastic bags and they tie it at the gate so that the children could come and fetch it." Dr. Skweyiya said the Local Councillors who should be leading the efforts to help such children are nowhere to be seen because children do not represent votes (Sunday World 6/11/2005:26). Dr.
Skweyiya drew attention to the fact that orphaned children have to increasingly assume the role of primary caregivers, looking after sick parents and young siblings.
Their expectations and rights to be nurtured and to have the opportunity to play like other children are being compromised, leading to a total infringement of the rights of children (right to be protected) as enshrined in the South African Constitution Act 108 of 1996, section 28.
It is clear that the increasing phenomenon of child-headed households has a direct impact on the Rights of Children as stated in the UN Convention of the Rights of child and the South African Constitution. Firstly children need special care and protection and it is the responsibility of the family to provide care and protection to the child throughout childhood, and it is the responsibility of the state to support the family in fulfilment of this role. What happens when parents die? Who plays this role? An answer to these questions is that when children are orphaned, the state has to take full responsibility in providing care, support and protection of children.
According to the Child Care Act no. 74 of 1983 as amended, children who are found to be in need of care need to be protected by the state. This Act makes provisions for alternative care of children found to be in need of care.
The state's role is to recognize children's inherent right to life and must ensure the child's survival and development therefore it is the state's role to ensure that no child must starve. Children have a right to free primary health care; they have a right to benefit from social security, a right to education and right to shelter. All these rights apply to all children without the exception and the state must protect children from any form of discrimination.
According to the South African Constitution Act no. 108 of 1996, Section 28.1 (c), every child has the right to basic nutrition, shelter, basic health care services and social services. Section 26(1) and 26(2), of the South African Constitution Act no. 108 of 1996 states that, everyone has the right to have access to adequate housing, and that the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realization of this right. The government needs to fulfil its obligation and provide proper shelters for orphaned children, especially those who are heads of households, so that their right to adequate housing can be fulfilled.
Furthermore section 27(1 )(a. b, c) and section 27(2) of the South African Constitution Act no 108 of 1996, stipulates that everyone has the right to have access to health care services, including reproductive health care, sufficient food and water, and social security including, if they are unable to support themselves and other dependants, appropriate social assistance, and that the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realization of each of these rights. It is therefore important that the government through various departments concerned should make service providers more accessible to families, children and orphans especially children who are heads of households and those living in child-headed households.
2.7 POVERTY AND ITS IMPACT ON ORPHANED CHILDREN
The socio-economic impact of HIV and AIDS on the household is well documented.
Economic consequences of HIV and AIDS involve loss of assets, decreased income and productive capacity, labour shortages, increased health care costs and changing expenditure patterns. The social impact involves increased food insecurity, decreased school access, increased work burden on children, diminishing community support
and increased social isolation (Gow and Mutangadura, 2000:59). According to Ainsworth, Beegle and Koda (2000) the increasing number of orphans has an effect on the households in the community and extended family by straining their income and productive capacity making them to be unable to offer support to orphans.
This is in keeping with Donahue (1998) contention that traditional community and extended family resources are stretched beyond their capacity by rapidly growing number of orphans. Demmer (2003) as cited in the UNAID Report (2004) argued that many families affected by AIDS, battle with poverty and grief. Having AIDS and grieving the loss of the love one is a lonely experience. For most of the poor people affected by AIDS, grief takes a back seat to getting food to eat and keeping a roof over their heads. Many families are crumbling under the weight of caring for several relatives who have the disease.
2.8 THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO POVERTY AND ORPHANS
According to Harber (1998) the eradication of poverty is the first and foremost a political and ideological challenge requiring political, central and government commitment and coordinated response. In our country most people live in poverty, and this is more evident in rural areas, where there are scarce resources and service delivery is poor. In the new dispensation, the local government system was introduced to bring public services closer to the people, but since 1994 it might appear that there has been slow delivery especially in as far as provision of affordable housing for the poor is concerned. South Africa has a history of huge inequalities, which are not only according to racial divisions, but also in terms of social class differences.
South Africa is characterized by extremes of wealth and inequalities coexisting within a highly visible first world infrastructure for instance in KwaZulu-Natal one would find big and expensive houses on the one side in the same area and on the other side one would see rural houses and informal settlements for poor people. USAID (quoted in Kapoor, 2000) highlighted that the incidence of poverty is highest among the previously disadvantaged black population in rural areas and among female-headed households. Streak (in Kapoor, 2000) said that the HIV and AIDS epidemic is further exacerbated by child poverty and undermining the progress in realizing children's
rights in South Africa. The number of orphans is increasing dramatically and the resources of the extended families are overstretched and as a result they can no longer afford to take orphans into their care.
2.8.1 GROWTH, EMPLOYMENT AND REDISTRIBUTION STRATEGY (GEAR)
According to Kapoor (2000) the political participation in South Africa has greatly improved with the establishment of the democratic government, but it is evident that the economic transformation has lagged behind. It appears that the government is struggling to achieve its socio-economic goals, judging by increasing poverty in the country.
The government macroeconomic framework, GEAR policy on economic and social change is highly contentious although it seems impossible to undertake a full analysis of its impact (Gilson and Mdntyre, 2001). The GEAR policy has been controversial in that it is known to ignore the fundamental need to transform the economic structures, particularly the segmented labour market inherited from the previous dispensation. According to Kapoor (2000) GEAR policy has not explicitly tackled the broader issues of inequality and social welfare; in fact, some critics are convinced that those likely to be hit the hardest by the labour market are women because of wage moderation and huge income differences. Policy Analyst have suggested that these macroeconomic policies promoting wage constraints and job markets are likely to create a division among a cere pool of organized labour able to demand and improve working conditions and an increasingly disorganized segment of labour to negotiate improved wage levels, working conditions and social benefits (Kapoor, 2000).
2.8.2 GOVERNMENT DEPARTRMENTS' POLICIES FOR ORPHANS AND OTHER VULNERABLE CHILDREN
The magnitude of problems faced by orphans in South Africa especially those from child-headed households requires great involvement by a range stakeholders in policy development and implementation. The ministries of Social Development, Education, Health, Home Affairs and local government need to work in collaboration towards meeting the needs of these children. The role of each department need to be defined
clearly, and questions need to be answered by each department on what it has done to provide support to orphans and vulnerable children, for example, what has been done by the Department of Health to provide treatment and medical care for orphans and vulnerable children? What has been done by the Department of Social Development to provide care and support? What has been done by the Department of Education to ensure access to education? What the Department of Housing and the local government to ensure that children are provided with shelter have done? What has been done by the Department of Home Affairs to ensure that all children have birth certificates and other necessary documents to access social grants?
The Department of Health.
The strategic plan put in place by the Department of Health to offer services to families infected and affected by HIV/AIDS (Strategic Plan 2001-2005). Research by Nyembezi (2003) highlighted the following issues: -
Orphans are vulnerable to disease as they do not have close guardian to educate them about the risks of HIV infections, and also the fact that they sometimes resort to prostitution to get money or are vulnerable to sexual abuse make their situation even more worse. Nyembezi (2003) argued that to a limited extent, safe sex practices have been facilitated by promotion of barrier methods and the distribution of free condoms, through public health system, but despite the distribution of millions of condoms little is known about the availability of condoms in rural communities, the efficacy of distribution and their utilization by sexual active orphans.
Nyembezi (2003) stated that the issue of anti-retro viral drugs usage with all its implications makes it even worse for the orphans. The accessibility of these drugs in communities' especially rural communities is still a problem, because of lack of resources and trained personnel to administer these drugs. According to Nyembezi (2003) the infected orphan especially in child-headed households will have problems in taking these drugs even if they can access them due to the fact that there is no adult to supervise the correct intake of these drugs as it is said that they need to be taken correctly or else the side effects are serious, and the fact these children live in extreme
poverty in some days have to go to bed without food at all and we all know no medicine can be taken without food.
In view of the above it is clear that for the Department of Health to successfully cater for orphans and vulnerable children especially those in child-headed households, collaboration with the Department of Social Development is vital.
The Department of Social Development
HIV and AIDS epidemic result in the financial vulnerability of individuals and families. Orphaned children from child-headed households are at greater risk since by the time one or both parents have died, household's assets, property and livestock (rural areas) are often already been sold to cover medical costs, this leaves children totally destitute. While many families appear to be willing to care for the sick and orphans due to high levels of poverty and unemployment they are prevented from doing so. In our country with a lot of people living in poor living conditions, high rates of unemployment, poverty and absence of close relatives to provide care and support complicate matters for child-headed households.
Families in rural areas are severely affected, as social services in these areas are underdeveloped and inaccessible due to the nature of roads and lack of transport facilities. The unavailability of social services prevents families and individuals from seeking social assistance and this leads to emotional stress, social distress, and feelings of alienation, stigmatisation and discrimination. The White Paper for Welfare (1997) stated the Department of Welfare would assess, monitor and promote the meeting of the needs of children whose parents are ill as a result of AIDS, and children who are infected. The Welfare White Paper also stated that the Department of Welfare would also enhance the capacity of existing mechanisms to meet the needs of orphaned children.
The Department of Welfare further committed itself to ensuring that children infected and affected by HIV and AIDS have access to integrated services that address their basic needs for food, shelter, education, health care, alternative care and protection from abuse and maltreatment. It is clear through that the Department of Welfare is not
succeeding in keeping its commitment judging by the foster grant backlogs, increase in child-headed households, children on the streets etc.
The Department of Welfare has many programmes in place such as a lot of social grants are in place for instance the extension of the child support grant and the poverty alleviation programmes to assist poor families, but it needs to revisit its strategic plan, as things are not going, as they should. There are problems relating to accessing social grants, alternative care for orphans, access to social workers and general delays in processing of grants. Research has shown that the current social security is fragmented and it is non-comprehensive with many children such as the street children and orphans heading households falling through the system.
Social grants available to children
The following is the list of social grants available for children through the department of social development:
Foster care grant
All orphaned children, under the age of 18 years who are not cared for in an institution, and those children who have been removed from their biological parents due to different circumstances and have been found to be in need of care through the Child Care Act no 74 Of 1983 as amended, are eligible for this grant, which is payable to the primary caregiver/ foster parent. The applicant and the child (ren) concerned must be resident in South Africa at the time of application. The required documents for the application of this grant are Identity document of the applicant/caregiver, birth certificate of children concerned, death certificates of both parents, court order indicating foster care status of the caregiver and the foster child must pass means test.
This grant might assist a child heading a household to take care of his/her siblings.
Child support grant
Children under the age of 14 years are eligible. This grant is payable to the primary caregiver. The child/children and primary caregiver must be South African citizens, residing in South Africa at the time of the application. The requirements for the
application of this grant are as follows: Identity document of the applicant, birth certificate of the child/children concerned, the applicant and spouse must meet the requirements of the means test, the applicant must not be in receipt of any other grant on behalf of the children concerned, the applicant cannot apply for more than six non- biological children.
Care dependency grant
Children under the age of 18 years with disabilities are eligible. This grant is payable to the primary caregiver. The requirements for application of this grant are as follows:
the applicant must submit a medical assessment report confirming disability of the child/children concerned, Identity document of the applicant, birth certificate of chid/children concerned, applicant and spouse must pass the means test, the income of foster parent will not be taken into consideration. The social grants can assist the children heading households to take care of their "families" and themselves.
The Department of Education
"Education is a vital corner stone for the country. It is the key to social, cultural, political participation, personal and community economic empowerment and national development. Its output is a human capital that constitutes the nations' primary wealth and potential for growth" (Harber, 1998).
The HIV and AIDS pandemic affects education. Many schools are feeling the effects of the epidemic as educators; learners and family members are affected. HIV and AIDS represent the largest single threat to the educational process as it leaves vast numbers of educators and parents' dead; the majority of learners orphaned who are forced to fend for themselves.!Many learners who are orphaned need emotional support and guidance from educators. These learners face financial hardships; have difficulties with school fees, uniforms, transport fees and books, psychological difficulties that impact upon the learning process. This leads learners to experience barriers to learning, which might cause them to drop out of school if no support is given. The Department of Education has an obligation to provide quality education to all people of South Africa so that they can have access to lifelong education and
training opportunities that will in turn contribute towards improving their quality of life.
The Department of Education National AIDS policy (1999) seeks to contribute towards promoting effective prevention and care within the context of public education system. It is in keeping with international standards and in accordance with education law and constitutional guarantees of the right to basic education, the right not to be unfairly discriminated against, the right to freedom of access of information and the best interest of the child. The policy indicates that learners and students must receive general education, sexual and sexuality education, matters concerning HIV and AIDS in the context of life skills. The department of education together with the department of Health and Welfare are implementing the National Integrated plan.
The Department of Education's focus is on life skills education that is taught through life orientation in the curriculum. The life skills component falling under the Psychological, Guidance and Special Education Services (PGSES) in KwaZulu- Natal's department of education is responsible to conduct programmes to support learners.
The following programmes are conducted in schools to support learners:
> Life skills incorporating general knowledge in HIV and AIDS.
> Child abuse.
> Care and support for learners infected and affected by HIV and AIDS through working with Drop in Centres currently known as the National Integrated Plan centres (NIP), community home based care and orphaned and vulnerable children (OVC).
> Peer education incorporating Soul Budyz.
> Lay counselling.
A huge budget is allocated to HIV and AIDS life skills programme each year. The Department of Education is struggling to provide policy or guidelines with respect to
