This thesis examines gender and impoliteness in the multilingual and multicultural context of the University of Natal, South Africa. Similarly, the gender of observer or speaker can influence the interpretation and assessment of the degree of impoliteness.
MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT
- INTRODUCTION
- CONTEXT OF THE STUDY
- MOTIVATION FOR THE STUDY
- DEFINING IMPOLITENESS
- STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS
- Introduction
- Literature Review and Theoretical Framework
- Research Methods
- Instances and Understandings of Impoliteness at the University This chapter initiates the discussion of my body of data by introducing the types of
- Group Discourses and Identities
- Interpretations of and Responses to Impoliteness
- Gender Discourse
- Discussion
- Conclusion
The context of the University of Natal provides a suitable example of a multilingual and multicultural linguistic situation. Part of the motivation for this study was an incident that occurred on the campus of the University of Natal.
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
INTRODUCTION
COMMUNICATION IN MULTILINGUAL CONTEXTS
- Intercultural Miscommunication
- Intercultural Identities
In other words, the status of the language also influences the attitudes of both speakers and non-speakers. Fishman's contribution to the study of multilingualism includes his analysis of the domains of language.
GENDERED LANGUAGE USE
- African Critique of Gender Theory
- Studies of Gender and Multilingual Situations
- Feminist Post-structuralism
Moreover, Oyewumi's (2002) later work points out that Western feminists' concept of gender is deeply rooted in the nuclear family system. The above criticism must nevertheless recognize that the issue of language and gender identities in the African multilingual situation may be different from the images of men and women constructed through choice and style of language use in bilingual or multilingual European communities. An early pioneering study by Gal examines language change in the Hungarian village of Oberwart and reveals the undeniable influence of gender on bilinguals' language choice.
The Kerguz have ended up speaking predominantly French at women's gatherings and refusing to pass on Breton to their children, leading to the death of the language in the area. Goldstein (2001) examines Portuguese immigrant women's language choices in Canada and argues that the women face a choice between speaking Portuguese or English at work. Although the gendered use of language has changed a lot over the last three decades, it is still true that the expectations of certain cultural groups (Zulu, Afrikaans, Indian, Black or White) within the university can be different, and at the same time way rudeness can be perceived differently in relation to gender expectations of the different groups.
In terms of the preceding framework (outlined by Weedon 1987 and Cameron 1992), this study focuses on the role of language in the production of gender relations, and gender dynamics in language use.
THEORISING IMPOLITENESS
- Theoretical Approaches to Politeness
- Perspectives on Impoliteness
- Attempts to develop impoliteness theory
- Research investigating instances of impoliteness
Brown and Levinson's further development of this theory of 'face' is based on the everyday use of the word in terms of 'losing face' and 'saving face'. Brown and Levinson's research was an analysis of the strategies people use to promote social harmony in society. Lakoff's distinction sheds light on a possible extension of the theory of politeness to the analysis of impoliteness.
In that case there is no longer a lack of control over social norms. The restriction of politeness and impoliteness to certain contexts, as suggested by Harris, would allow a better understanding of the variation in the concepts from one context to another. A lost identity would further hinder multilingual people's understanding of language use.
Brown and Levinson's (1987) construct of 'face' (as a public self-image) is useful in that rudeness can be usefully understood as damaging the recipient's face.
CONCLUSION
Displaced rudeness, on the other hand, stems from negative group stereotypes, in terms of which the speaker assumes that the addressee (as a member of a particular group) is 'rude': this is seen as justification for rude behaviour, which can come as something of a surprise for the addressee.
RESEARCH METHODS
- INTRODUCTION
- RESEARCH DESIGN
- RESEARCH METHODS
- Pilot Study
- Indirect Observation
- Rating Scales - Phase one
- Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)
- Rating Scales - Phase two
- Role of the Researcher
- TRIANGULATION
- ETHICAL ISSUES
- METHODS OF DATA MANAGEMENT AND ANALYSIS
- CONCLUSION
The research focuses on perceptions of rudeness among black students from the University of Natal (now KwaZulu-Natal). For the focus group discussions, the focus of the study was narrowed to black and non-black South African students. It became necessary to involve people with different mother tongues (English, Zulu, Afrikaans and Xhosa) in the development of the study.
These observations made it possible to compare perceived rudeness among members of the different groups identified for the study. The effect of this is to increase the validity of the findings of this research. The study was approved by the Postgraduate Research Committee of the University of Natal.
For analysis and interpretation of the focus group discussions, all audio-recorded discussions were transcribed verbatim.
INSTANCES AND UNDERSTANDINGS OF IMPOLITENESS AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF NATAL
- INTRODUCTION
- VIGNETTES OF IMPOLITENESS
- Asserting oneself in response to mockery
- An intrusive personal question
- DISCUSSION OF THE VIGNETTES
- RESPONSES TO INSTANCES OF IMPOLITENESS
- Conclusion
It is one of the claims of this research that impoliteness is always culturally situated; what is perceived as polite or impolite varies from one culture to another (Kasper 1990 and Tannen 1990). The following discussion is based on the interpretation of the vignette situations presented by the observers themselves. My survey of the languages spoken by the entire group of respondents showed the extent of multilingualism in the research site.
Since others cannot access the full content of the discussion, this is detrimental to them in the group and is likely to be viewed as impolite. However, given the size of the groups and the individual case assessed, these results certainly cannot be considered definitive. This chapter attempted to show the extent of linguistic diversity of the university's student population and the influence of different languages on student perceptions of incivility.
Likewise, typical instances of perceived rudeness and judgments are revealed through the many languages of the students when.
GROUP DISCOURSES AND IDENTITIES
INTRODUCTION
Some people may work to integrate their personal beliefs (influenced by culture and socialization) with the new norms to achieve a result that is acceptable both to the individual and to the new group with which he or she must now interact. Others may commit themselves completely to the new environment and its customs, especially when it is experienced as empowering and liberating. Where individuals are seen to disregard those norms, they risk becoming alienated from their cultural group.
The main aim of the analysis below will be to show how respondents tend to respond to perceived incivility in ways that will maintain and further build their cultural identities, generally as members of groups.
GROUP IDENTIFICATION AND LABELING
Members of this non-South African group tended to identify with each other and emphasize a common identity as foreign African students. In this way, the appropriateness of this broad category was confirmed by the focus group discussions. The diversity among the South African respondents was far more striking to the survey, yielding over time three male and one female groups.
In this case, the respondents' self-perceptions, represented in their discussions, some explicitly and others implicitly, were the main source of labels. 1 The discussion of Zulu bradas suggested that Zulu male students fall into two broad groups, those who were schooled in the villages and those who attended multiracial schools in the cities. Unlike Zulu beards and thin men, the label Model C guys derives from the use of other black South African students.
I have chosen to name this group after the type of school they attended, partly because their fellow South African students, Zulu bradas and watered-down males, constantly refer to them in this way, but also because their particular educational experience. language preferences and common cultural characteristics.2 The female South African students presented and spoke of themselves as 'modernized Zulu women': hence the label modern Zulu women.
BEHAVIOUR ADAPTATION AND IDENTITY RECONSTRUCTION The environment of the University of Natal is new to all categories of students
- Zulu Bradas (ZB)
- Dilute Males (DLM)
- Model C Guys (MC)
- Modem Zulu Women (MZW)
- Decisive Females (DF)
The Zulu bradas argue that it is through their Zulu identity that they can fully express themselves. Although the diluted men claim awareness of university culture and practices, and sensitivity to the university's diversity, they are confused about how best to position themselves in terms of their own cultural beliefs and how much of the university culture they should absorb. As members of the postgraduate student community at the University of Natal, students in this group tend to define themselves largely by what they are not; they are not South African and even more so, not Zulu.
The non-South African students are as united as they are (and that's probably only when they're actually on campus) because of the difference – the fact that they're not South African, in a context where the majority of students are South African. The university is dominated by racial and ethnic groups, and it seems that one of the first things that decisive women notice: for example, Indian female students are in their own world, they are friends with each other, it is very difficult. As a result, they assume that they are being treated this way because of the color of their skin (they are simply treating you like any other black person);.
As one of the foreign sisters explained, they are also not accepted by the blacks, who treat them as foreigners, because 'you are not Zulu'.
CONCLUSION
INTERPRETATIONS OF AND RESPONSES TO IMPOLITENESS
INTRODUCTION
PERCEPTIONS OF IMPOLITENESS
- Modern Zulu Women
In most cases, immorality is not just about talking; it is also behavior. We Zulus are not allowed to look elders in the eye.. But for the white community it is acceptable. I mean it's important that we define or differentiate between being rude and being rude.
Although it is possible to be rude unintentionally, in most cases rude behavior is conscious behavior. MCI: It depends on the issue. If it's something sensitive, I will most likely react the same way or worse. In terms of age, rudeness from the elderly cannot be considered rude, nor is it rude.
In terms of age then, rudeness from older people cannot be seen as rude and is not impolite.
