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Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim: Pengalaman Kota Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim: Pengalaman Kota

Dalam dokumen Majalah Perencanaan Pembangunan (Halaman 36-41)

Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim: Pengalaman Kota

Rotterdam

Rotterdam

Abstrak

Berangkat dari semakin luasnya fenomena pemanasan global dan perubahan iklim, tulisan ini hendak menengok best practice upaya-upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi yang dilakukan oleh negara lain. Ilustrasi

success story Pemerintah Kota Rotterdam yang mengeluarkan beberapa terobosan dalam memitigasi perubahan iklim sekaligus meningkatkan kualitas sosial ekonomi warganya akan diulas lebih mendalam sehingga diharapkan dapat menginspirasi para decision makers di tingkat lokal dalam merumuskan kebijakan yang tepat untuk mengatasi dampak perubahan iklim. Rotterdam yang dikenal sebagai pintu gerbang transportasi logistik di kawasaan Eropa, juga mengalami dampak dan konsekuensi dari perubahan iklim. Pesatnya pertumbuhan industri di Rotterdam menjadikan isu energi sebagai isu yang tak terelakkan. Dengan dikeluarkannya Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI) pada tahun 2007, beberapa program diluncurkan dengan 3

Adji Krisbandono

(tiga) tujuan, yaitu: (1) mengurangi 50% emisi CO2 pada tahun 2025 dibandingkan tahun 1990; (2) mewujudkan kota yang 100% climate proof pada tahun 2025; yang disertai dengan (3) perkuatan ekonomi kota. Sebagai

lessons learned, pengalaman Rotterdam dapat dicontoh bahwa komitmen yang kuat dari seluruh stakeholder, baik pemerintah maupun swasta dan masyarakat merupakan faktor utama penentu keberhasilan inisiatif mitigasi dan adaptasi.

Kata kunci: kerjasama, pemerintah, swasta, Rotterdam,

mitigasi, perubahan iklim.

Abstract

The emerging issues of global climate change inspires this paper to take a closer look at how other countries/ cities carry out mitigation and adaptation programmes. Rotterdam success story that launched a number of initiatives and programmes in climate change mitigation will further be explored to inspire decision makers,

36 Edisi 03/Tahun XIX/2013

Then, when these conducive and supportive conditions of development for women, justify the products of development such as indicators, is it still fair to underestimate then? Unfortunately, yes. As Young argued that to re-allocate the development discourses to be accessible to women is not a simple task, but it needs the reconstruction of old structures of thought and practice through social change.131 The benei ts of

social change are not only merely for women interests but also for the whole society, since women are one of the social resources, their advantages are social advantages as well.132 On the other hand, development institutions

are full of policymakers and bureaucrats with various levels of understanding of women and gender. The expectation of social change would not be adequate if it relied on the bureaucracies and public policies, because they cannot trigger political and social change, due to high risk of depoliticization.133 Moreover, what is lacking

is bringing together the theoretical insight of gender and development with an equally sophisticated analysis of institutional roles and functions and how they are linked to or disconnected from the possibilities for change.134

3. Re-dei ned ‘development and human rights’ for Women

a. Rethinking Development and (Women’s) Human Rights

Women choose human rights as their entry point to development, because human rights provide a universal paradigm that can be implement locally. Most of women’s disadvantages created by unfavourable social conditions that undermine the need for equal conditions between men and women, not only for the interest of the women or men themselves, but also for the interest of the whole society. These unfavourable social conditions can be addressed through ‘human rights paradigm’,135 which employ the universal principles of

131 Kate Young, ‘Planning from a Gender Perspective: Making a World of Dif erence’ in Nalini Visvanathan, et al (eds) The Women, Gender and Development Reader (Zed Books, 1997) 366, 366.

132 Ibid.

133 Hilary Standing, Gender, Myth and Fable: The Perils of Mainstreaming in Sector Bureaucracies in Andrea Cornwall, Elizabeth Harrison and Ann Whitehead (eds) Feminisms in Development: Contradictions, Contestations and Challenges (Zed Books, 2007) 101, 104.

134 Ibid.

135Abdullahi A. An-Na’im and Jef rey Hammond, ‘Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in African Society’ in Abdullahi A. An-Na’im (ed) Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in Africa (Zed

human rights to be adapted by local condition, without necessarily argues the origin of those principles.136

Having awareness and consciousness of the actual advantages of what universal human rights of er, give sui cient latitude to employ those principles into local and cultural contexts, which would have more benei ts for the whole society including women.137 Moreover,

human rights of er possibility that is more concrete for women for expecting ‘cultural transformation’ from cultural boundaries that impede women’s progresses.138

Rights also establish legitimacy for women not only for their intervention but also for their roles.139

Nevertheless, women still need to be alerted about what the actual female position in the international human rights. As stressed by Otto, ‘[t]he international struggle for the full inclusion of women in the paradigm of universal human rights has reached a point where it needs reinvention’.140 According to that, decision to

engage with international human rights require to be equipped with a reinvention strategy that help women to reinvent the principle notion of international human rights that take sides on what women perceive as their rights in relation with universal human rights. This idea is supported by Lacey that analyse many fundamental deliberations about gender and human rights.141 First,

women need to be aware on the potency as well as the limitations of human rights framework in order to protect ‘justice, autonomy, or equality for women’.142

Second, engaging gender with human rights means continuous re-questioning or re-dei ning the rights, Feminists’ critiques about rights and how to conduct the re-questioning and re-dei ne that can satisfy women.143

Third, in order to understand the both questions before, women need to have complete picture about the multidimensional factors that shape rights Books, 2002) 13, 15.

136 Ibid 14-17.

137 An-Na’im and Hammond, above; Sally Engle Merry, ‘Rights Talk and the Experience of Law: Implementing Women’s Human Rights to Protection from Violence’ (2003) 25 Human Rights Quarterly 343, 379-381.

138 A. An-Na’im and Hammond, above.

139 Andrea Cornwall and Maxine Molyneux, ‘The Politics of Rights – Dilemmas for Feminist Praxis: an Introduction’ (2006) 27 Third World Quarterly 1175, 1179.

140 Dianne Otto, ‘Disconcerting ‘Masculinities’: Reinventing the Gendered Subject(s) of International Human Rights Law’ in Doris Buss and Ambreena Manji (eds) International Law: Modern Feminist Approaches (Hart Publishing, 2005) 105, 128.

141 Nicola Lacey, ‘Feminist Legal Theory and the Rights of Women’ in Karen Knop (ed) Gender and Human Rights (Oxford University Press, 2004) 13, 38-53.

142 Ibid 55. 143 Ibid 53.

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Then, when these conducive and supportive conditions human rights to be adapted by local condition, without

MAJALAH.indd Spread 36 of 44 - Pages(36, 53)

arises, where indicators are able to i t in within these dif erent approaches. Skeptically, how can a high sense of scientii c and economic tool accommodate these tensions?

The formulation of women’s indicators should not intervene by particular actors whom claim themselves as the authority of indicators making. These claims will not facilitate the interpretation of women’s rights into a technocratic approach which involve bureaucrats and Feminists, because of high sense of standardization and control of knowledge that will disturb the appropriate processes of indicators making. The tendency of having the authority of knowledge is mostly over-control, because the high usages of rationalization, scientii c methodologies and expertise’s superiority.122

This paper suggest that standardization and simplii cation of development through indicator may not necessary reject as the only choice that women have, but indicators are women’s entry point into development where they can produce women- concerned ideology, knowledge and paradigm which adequately represent women in the ideas, processes and outcomes of development.123 This is because

the usage of indicators is the legitimate pathway in development planning. Chatterjee has argued that India regain its own concept and legitimation of development from development paradigm and hegemony, through ‘development ideology and the bureaucratic mechanism of development planning.124 Indicators may be treated

not as economical, scientii c or even numerical tool of development, but as a facilitator and collaborator for women values and issues.

With the involvement of reliable and authorized source of women in formulating indicators, whether they are Feminists, women activists or even bureaucrats, women have opportunities to intervene the production processes of development programs and activities, with their methodologies and approaches. With this intervention, those indicators may be the collaborative product because of theoretical and practical conversations without necessary existence of any dominance, which cover progressive and prevention implementation.

122 Parpart, above n  221.

123Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 88; Anne Galagher, ‘Ending Marginalisation: Strategies for Incorporating Women into the UN Human Rights Systems’ (1997) 19 Human Rights Quarterly 283, 327.

124 Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Oxford University Press, 1995) 15.

b. Measurement through Development (Gender) Planning

Measuring women’s rights in development planning matters because it legitimates development for women by using indicators as the collaborative production between women and the development institutions. Indicators need to manifest not as simplii cation of the various experiences of women and expected multiple choices for women. Rather it is as entry point for women to concretize all the conceptual approaches of feminist legacies to employ conditional acceptances of impartial structures of development for defending continuous questions that women inquire.

Parallel discourse occurs in gender planning. Gender planning allows women to be specii cally addressed in their exclusivity, multiple roles, and needs without necessarily ignore their relationship with men and other social and cultural factors.125 Reducing gender planning

to be purely about socio-economic matters will eliminate female contents.126 Gender planning provides

many choices for women, from addressing their gender to strategic and practical gender needs through various policy approaches such as welfare, equity, anti-poverty, ei ciency, and empowerment.127 These choices let

women intervene in the production of development.128

Nevertheless, the notion of gender itself as the main feature of gender planning gives alertness. Gender term remains in debates. Deploying gender as the approach for public policy has tendencies of being mainstreamed and depoliticised, which attained advantages and disadvantages.129 Then, the division of sex and gender

is not merely positive; it also has some potencies and weaknesses.130

125 Moser, above n 1802.

126 Saskia E. Wieringa, ‘Rethinking Gender Planning: A Critical Discussion of the Use of the Concept of Gender’ (1998) 2 Gender, Technology and Development 349, 349.

127 Moser, above n 1799-1825. 128 Ibid 1817.

129 Sally Baden and Anne Marie Goetz, ‘Who Needs [Sex] When You Can Have [Gender]? Conl icting Discourses on Gender at Beijing’, in Cecile Jackson & Ruth Pearson (eds) Feminist Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and Policy (Routledge, 1998) 19-37; Dianne Otto, ‘Lost in Translation: Re-scripting the Sexed Subjects of International Human Rights Law’ in Anne Orford (ed) International Law and Its Others (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2006) 318, 347; Joan Wallace Scott, ‘Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis’ (1986) 1 American Historical Review 1053, 1066-1070; Hilary Charlesworth, ‘Not Waving but Drowning: Gender Mainstreaming and Human Rights in the United Nations’ (2005) 18 Harvard Human Rights Journal 1, 11-16. 130 Margaret Davies, ‘Taking the Inside Out: Sex and Gender in the Legal Subject’ in Ngaire Nai ne and Rosemary J Owens (eds) Sexing the Subject of Law (LBC Information Services, 1997) 25-46.

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arises, where indicators are able to i t in within these b. Measurement through Development (Gender) especially at local level to formulate the most appropriate policy in tackling the impacts of climate change.

Rotterdam, as the main gate of transport and logistic across Europe also face the consequences and impacts of climate change. Industrial growth has made energy ei ciency to become its priority issue. Launched in 2007,

Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI) aims at (1) reducing 50% CO2 emission in 2025 compared than in 1990; (2) becoming a climate proof city in 2025; and (3) improving economic development. The experience of Rotterdam proves that strong commitment among stakeholders, from the government, private, and local community would be the primary success factor in implementing mitigation and adaptation programmes.

Keywords: partnership, government, private, Rotterdam,

mitigation, climate change.

Pendahuluan

Melihat semakin meluasnya fenomena pemanasan global dan perubahan iklim, tidak ada salahnya jika kita menengok best practice upaya-upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi yang dilakukan oleh negara lain. Bagaimana mereka merumuskan langkah strategis nan ei sien dan efektif untuk mengantisipasi/mengurangi dampak pe- rubahan iklim, prasyarat kelembagaan apa saja yang mereka inisiasi, serta upaya apa yang mereka ambil untuk menjamin keberlanjutan inisiatif tersebut, perlu kita pahami sehingga diharapkan dapat menginspirasi para decision makers di tingkat lokal dalam merumuskan kebijakan yang tepat untuk mengatasi dampak peruba- han iklim. Tulisan ini hendak mengilustrasikan success story pemerintah kota Rotterdam yang mengeluarkan beberapa terobosan dalam rangka mitigasi perubahan iklim sekaligus meningkatkan kualitas sosial ekonomi warganya.

Rotterdam dikenal sebagai salah satu kota yang cukup penting dalam tatanan perkotaan, tidak hanya dalam lingkup Belanda, tetapi juga di Eropa. Beberapa keunggulan yang dimilikinya antara lain keberadaan pelabuhan internasional (Port of Rotterdam) yang menjadikan kota ini sebagai pintu gerbang serta pusat transportasi logistik dan kawasan industri. Dalam lingkup strategis regional, Rotterdam juga termasuk salah satu dari konstelasi empat kota besar di Belanda yang biasa disebut Ranstad Region. Menurut Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah 2040 Ranstad Holland atau Ranstad Region, wilayah ini merupakan salah satu dari beberapa kota metropolis yang cukup memegang peranan

penting dalam pengembangan spasial dan ekonomi kota di Belanda. Aliansi yang terdiri atas empat kota besar yakni Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam, dan Utrecht ini telah ditetapkan sebagai “Dutch Metropolis” sejak 1966.

Menjadi salah satu kota berpredikat internasional tidak lantas membuat Rotterdam “lupa diri”. Berbagai dampak, tuntutan, dan konsekuensi akan selalu melekat, tak terkecuali dampak dari perubahan iklim. Mengingat pesatnya pertumbuhan industri di Rotterdam, maka konsumsi energi merupakan isu yang tak terelakkan. Hasil studi menyebutkan bahwa Uni Eropa (UE) berkontribusi atas 15% – 20% emisi gas rumah kaca dunia (Victor, 2006; RCI, 2007). Oleh karena itu seluruh negara anggota Uni Eropa telah bersepakat akan mengambil bagian dalam aksi kolektif ini dengan menetapkan target pengurangan emisi CO2 sebesar 20%. Pemerintah nasional Belanda sendiri mentargetkan reduksi CO2 sebesar 30% dibandingkan dengan tahun 1990.

Jadi setidaknya, ada tiga tantangan yang harus dijawab oleh pemerintah kota Rotterdam saat ini dan di masa depan, yaitu bagaimana mewujudkan kesinambungan perkembangan ekonomi kota, meningkatkan kualitas lingkungan perkotaan dan hidup warga kota, serta menjawab tantangan mantan presiden Amerika Serikat Bill Clinton1 untuk mewujudkan Rotterdam yang lebih

bersih di masa depan.

Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI): Keberlanjutan

Ekonomi dan Lingkungan Kota

Sebulan setelah kunjungan Bill Clinton ke Belanda2,

tepatnya pada bulan Januari 2007, pemerintah kota Rotterdam resmi berkolaborasi dengan beberapa pihak swasta guna melawan dampak perubahan iklim dalam wadah Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI). Adalah

Port of Rotterdam, Deltalings dan DCMR (Environmental Protection Agency Rijnmond) sebagai tiga stakeholders utama selain pemerintah kota Rotterdam yang menggawangi program ini. Deltalings merupakan konsorsium/aliansi yang beranggotakan lebih dari 600 perusahaan dan asosiasi yang khusus bergerak di bidang logistik dan perusahaan industri. Sebagai salah satu partner strategis pemerintah, organisasi ini juga

1 Pada bulan Desember 2006, Bill Clinton datang ke Belanda untuk mengkampanyekan Clinton Climate Initiative, sebuah program yang menyerukan kota‐kota besar di seluruh dunia untuk menginternalisasikan dan menerapkan praktik‐praktik mitigasi dan adaptasi perubahan iklim dalam implementasi kebijakan kota mereka.

2

37 Edisi 03/Tahun XIX/2013

especially at local level to formulate the most appropriate penting dalam pengembangan spasial dan ekonomi

MAJALAH.indd Spread 37 of 44 - Pages(52, 37)

cukup berpengaruh baik di tingkat regional maupun di Uni Eropa. Sedangkan DCMR adalah salah satu lembaga regional yang bertanggungjawab meningkatkan kualitas lingkungan hidup dalam lingkup Rijnmond area. Mengingat banyaknya kawasan industri di wilayah ini (seperti pengolahan minyak, tempat pembuangan akhir sampah, pabrik pengolahan bahan kimia, metalurgi, pengolahan makanan, insinerator sampah, dsb.), maka dapat dipastikan bahwa tugas DCMR adalah menyusun regulasi serta memonitor kinerja sektor industri tersebut agar tetap bekerja menurut standar dan kriteria baku mutu lingkungan.

Tujuan utama dari inisiatif ini adalah untuk mengkombinasikan tiga fungsi kota sekaligus, yaitu memperkuat perkembangan ekonomi, mewujudkan kota yang atraktif sebagai tempat tinggal warganya, serta menjadikan Rotterdam sebagai kota yang lebih “hijau” seiring berkurangnya emisi gas rumah kaca. Berikut penulis ilustrasikan tujuan dan komitmen dari program RCI tersebut yang kemudian diwujudkan dalam beberapa program riil di lapangan:

1) Tujuan program:

- Mengurangi 50% emisi CO

2 pada tahun 2025

dibandingkan tahun 1990;

- Mewujudkan kota yang 100% climate proof

pada tahun 2025; yang disertai dengan

- Perkuatan ekonomi kota

2) Komitmen dan partisipasi para stakeholders dalam program mitigasi:

Program yang terbilang cukup ambisius ini tidak akan pernah bisa terlaksana kecuali para stakeholders yang terlibat didalamnya berkomitmen penuh untuk memberikan kontribusi peran selama implementasi program. Seiring dengan semakin tingginya tuntutan serta tekanan internal dan eksternal, maka semakin kuat pula komitmen para stakeholders dalam menjalankan program RCI ini. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari beberapa program yang telah berjalan dalam rangka mitigasi perubahan iklim:

- Green roofs (atap hijau); upaya ini telah diap-

likasikan di atap perpustakaan kota. Tujuannya selain memperpanjang umur atap, atap hijau juga dibangun untuk mengurangi panas meng- ingat konstruksinya telah dilengkapi dengan

sistem drainase, tanah, dan tanaman (rumput). Mekanisme insulasi bangunan juga berfungsi optimal sehingga upaya konservasi energi dapat berjalan. Selain itu, beberapa partikulat udara yang merupakan komponen gas rumah kaca juga dapat disaring sehingga menghasil- kan udara yang lebih bersih.

- Deltalings Energy Forum; forum ini dibentuk

untuk mendukung upaya konservasi energi di sektor industri. Beberapa isu yang didiskusi- kan antara lain carbon footprint dalam proses produksi, konservasi energi, pendekatan‐ pendekatan baru dari aspek teknologis, dll.

- CO

2 Capture and Storage (CCS); baru‐baru ini

pemerintah kota Rotterdam tengah mengkam- panyekan proyek CCS sebagai salah satu upaya mitigasi CO2 yang diproduksi oleh sektor indus- tri dan pembangkit energi. Masifnya aliran kap- ital dan kepastian pasar kredit karbon (carbon market), khususnya di Eropa menjadi salah satu pemicu para pengusaha untuk membenamkan investasi dan teknologi CCS di Rotterdam. Bah- kan pada tahun 2010, Deltalings telah meneri- ma grant dari the Global Carbon Capture Storage Institute (Global CCS Institute) sejumlah 1,5 juta Euro untuk ekspansi dan pengembangan insta- lasi CCS.

- Instalasi energi angin; pada tahun 2008, di

beberapa titik area pelabuhan telah dibangun kincir angin berkapasitas total 151 MW. Ren- cana perluasan kapasitas sebesar 108 MW akan dilakukan di tahun‐tahun berikutnya.

- Program hemat energi di bangunan gedung

pemerintah; ratusan bangunan gedung milik

pemerintah kota Rotterdam, baik yang lama maupun baru telah didesain agar lebih hemat energi.

Implikasi bagi Upaya Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim Kota- kota di Indonesia

Belajar dari pengalaman Rotterdam dalam menghambat laju dampak perubahan iklim tersebut, kita dapat menarik beberapa poin penting. Menurut teori Underdal (Victor, 2006), rendahnya komitmen ditengarai sebagai faktor penghambat utama berhasilnya upaya‐upaya

38 Edisi 03/Tahun XIX/2013

cukup berpengaruh baik di tingkat regional maupun di sistem drainase, tanah, dan tanaman (rumput). of this measurement ability to accommodate or at least to rel ect women’s interests and needs.

There are some areas that women gain advantages through the deployment of indicators. Indicators are able to track social institutions that impede women.109

Women also acquire benei ts of the global trends on gender-disaggregate data and growing international sources of women. Even so, the benei ts are still limited and problematic and women still need to engage with indicators in order to maintain their theme in the global agenda.110 However, women are highly inl uenced

by the trends of the indicator itself. Since most of the users of indicators are development practitioners and institutions, indicators are highly used for merely economical purposes.111 The quantii cation of social

and human development is simply for the interest

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