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Unique
FRAGILE POSITION OF THE PANCASILA Many people; especially from minority groups are concerned over the future
cf the Pancasila in Indonesia
-Unique
They fear that it will be replaced by a foreign system
-JUDUL:
Fragile Position of the Pancasila
28,800 results
this probable
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In this paper I try to calculate possibility, both from the positive and negative
-Unique
Current trends show that opinion for negating the Pancasila and replacing it with another ideology
-5 results
is becoming stronger, If this happens it would indicate a loss of national feeling with few emotional contacts with
their own country
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1,140,000 results
Swastika, 24, an anchor at a TV station and also Javanese, gave a similar answer
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"It's just a statistical status
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5 results
you are Indonesian because your ID and your passport say so," Swastika stated
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5 results
They seem to have grown further away from the sense of being Indonesian that was still very much alive among
the previous generations
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307,000 results
For many of today's young people, being Indonesian means nothing more than a "geographical fact" -- because
they were born and raised in the country
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Nothing more, nothing less
-Unique
For them, Indonesia is nothing
-5 results
Indonesia is only a place where they were born and where they are living now
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15 results
Looking deeper, we discover that the problem with loss of Indonesian identity for young people
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Unique
has complex and deep roots
-485 results
Henk Schulte Nordholt describes Indonesian History as history without people
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(Nordholt 2004)
-1 result
Similar to the statement, Alfitra Salam had wrote, “Biarlah Nasionalisme Keindonesiaan Punah” (Lets Nationalism
Exterminated) at www
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1,180 results
id October 28 th , 2004
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traditional, and uncivilized
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Unique
Their knowledge and skills are due to foreign 'goodness' that came with colonization
-281,000 results
At the same time, Nordholt observes Indonesians live without history
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They do not live on
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Unique
the basis of their own historical experiences, but upon current information and trends
-Unique
From this viewpoint, we could take understanding that Indonesian people, especially their young generation, are
ready to be followers and consumers of global trend
-5 results
In this context global trends stands for all the facts,
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Unique
mental-facts, socio-facts and arti-facts, which derive from globel power
-Unique
In the sixties Sukarno called the global power that as Nekolim power: Neo colonialism and imperialism
-40,100 results
Neo-colofilhlisrn is defined, interestingly enough, by Kwame Nkrumah as
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the last stage of imperialism
-53 results
Furthermore, he explains: Neo-colonialisni is also the worst form of imperialism
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84 results
For those who practice it, it means power without responsibility and for those who suffer from it, it means
exploitation without redress
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In the days of old-fashioned colonialism, the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the actions it
was taking abroad
-Unique
In the colony those who served the ruling imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent
move by their opponents
-Unique
With neo-colonialisro neither is the case (Nkrumah, 1965)
-Unique
Sukarno saw that the impact of neo-colonialism was very dangerous for Indonesia
-Unique
2 Sukarno's anti neo-colonialism grew into an anti-Western project by the end of the 1950s
-Unique
In the mid 1960s direct confrontation came about between Indonesia and Western (British) colonial powers ovet the
question of Malaysia independence
-43,600 results
It ended only in 1966, when
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Unique
Sukarno was bloodily replaced by Suharto, who brough about a new atmosphere in relations between Indonesia and
the West
-Unique
At the end of the conference, 29 Afro- Asian states signed a 10-points Declaration on Promotion of World Peace and
Cooperation
-53 results
Western capitalism
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The decision brought Indonesia under Western dominance, or in Nkrumah's view, Indonesia fall into a neo~colonial
relationship
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Unique
The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the
outward trappings at international sovereignty
-Unique
In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside: The methods and form of this
direction can take various shapes
-Unique
For example, in an extreme case the troops of the imperial power may garrison the territory of the neo- colonial
state and control the government of it
-Unique
The neo-colonial state may be obliged to take the manlJ,facttired products of the imperialist power to the exclusion
of competing products from elsewhere
-Unique
lt is possible that neo-colonial controls may be exercised by a consortium of financial interests, which are not
specifically identifiable with any particular State
-38 results
The control of the Congo by great international financial concerns is a case in point (Nkrumah, 1965)
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7 results
One of cultural impacts of western domination had been the change of Indonesin life style irito a more materialistic
one
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The existence of human beings is no longer dependant upon their strong character; but up on how much they have
in property and other forms of wealth
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what you need, but you know the conditio sine qua non
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You know what ink you must use in signing yourself over to me
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I shall swindle you while providing your enjoyment
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Unique
in order later, to claim the remuneration for this labor of love
-Unique
the self-conscious and self acting commodity
-Unique
' This commodity man knows only one way of relating himself to the world outside, by having it and by consuining
(using) it
-Unique
The more alienated be is, the more the sense of having and using constitutes his relationship to the world
-Unique
In general, Indonesian society does not care about politics and state ideology per se
-Unique
Politicians, bureaucrats, and many state officials do not provide what the people need; they make personal
economic profits in order to get properties that they need
-Unique
Besides loosing indigenous identity of young generation, it is also possible that the Pancasila might be replaced by
Islamic values and norms
-Unique
In the last five years we could see 'anti sipilis' movement come on Indonesian political screen
-Unique
Through expressing their belief, the Islamic movements reject secularism, pluralism, and liberalism
-Unique
A Survey of the Center for Islamic and Society (PPIM) at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta shows
that most Islamic studies teachers oppose pluralism
-Unique
The movement is supported in particular by Islamic organizations that want to change Indonesia into an Islamic
state
-Unique
Furthermore, Jajat Burhanudin as a chief of PPIM said: I think they play a key role in promoting conservatism and
radicalism among Muslims nowadays
-3,070 results
The movement has deep root in Indonesian history
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Unique
Before the coming of European nations, Indonesia is dominated by Islamic kingdoms, such as Aceh in Sumatra
island, Banjar in Kalimantan, and Demak in Java
-11,400 results
The movement could be suppressed by Indonesian government through a short period of civil war, but the ideology
is still exist or never die
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13 results
When a wave of Islamic awakening comes in 1990s, the dream of Indonesia Islamic state once more taken up at
national level
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In the beginning 21 st century, Islamic organizations and movements growth rapidly and their influences in public
space are getting stronger
-Unique
One indicator of the Islamic movements’ strength is their struggle to implement Islamic laws which is called Perda
Sharia
-Unique
Through provincial and local
-Unique
representative bodies Islamic laws have been grafted on to regional regulations
-Unique
Robin Bush claims that up to 55% of regional regulations are related to religion law
-21 results
Furthermore he explains:
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These regulations vary widely from district to district
-5 results
For example, in Banjar, Kalimantan; Muslim civil servants are required to wear jilbab and baju koko on Fridays
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From national viewpoint, the Perda Sharia contradicts to National Constitution
-Unique
In paragraph 28, Constitution guarantees the equality of all citizens of all groups, as well as the guarantee of
human rights through various sections in the constitution
-Unique
Beside conflicting with national constitution, the local regulations also directly challenge unity in diversity motto of
Bhineka Tunggal Ika
-Unique
A LSI Survey shows that 61,4 percent of the Indonesian people are afraid that the perda syari'a will break the unity
of Indonesia (www
-Unique
Women's groups, as well as the NGOs that had brought the case to the Supreme Court for review, were
disappointed with this decision
-17 results
They believed that the Court could have taken up not just the procedural issues in the formation of the regulation,
but also its contents (Bush, 2008)
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Unique
The Wahid Institute notes that there have been ten blasphemy cases in the past two years
-Unique
The Blasphemy Article (1966) prohibits people from practicing and interpreting a belief which deviates from the
main rules and interpretation of a specific religion
-Unique
265 cases of violence against religions were reported January to December 2008, as increase from 135 cases in
2007
-Unique
In those cases, there was no clear position taken· by governmental authorities or the bureaucracy
-Unique
The government seems reluctant to see violence precipitated by religion intolerance as criminal
-5 results
It in action makes many people argue for increased governmental commitment by retaining the Pancasila as
national "umbrella" in safeguarding the principle of Indonesia
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as pluralistic nation
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Unique
Although both lotal and national cases graphically illustrate the fragile position of the Pancasila, it is not as
vulnerable as it looks
-5 results
Indonesia still has considerable resources for defending it
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5 results
Most Indonesians still believe that continuation of the Pancasila is crucial for Indonesia
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A survey shows that 96,6% want the Pancasila defended as the basis of the nation; 92
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-72,200 results
It means that plurality is a reality, which we cannot deny
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Unique
society, especially in the past, believes that the differences actually complement one another to build universal
harmony
-Unique
Based on this believe, people always treat others as their own family and see social cohesiveness as the most
important goal in life
-Unique
To make social cohesiveness work, our society found a creative manner of cooperation called as gotong·royong
-Unique
It means work together collaboratively to resolve a problem peacefully
-Unique
Through it Indonesians can solved any problem, individual and social ones alike
-Unique
One reason for Indonesian people believing that the Pancasila is rooted in indigenous culture is because if there is
one term to epitomize the Pancasila it is gotong-royong
-Unique
nationalism, and socialism
-Unique
If we then hear objections from the Moslem side, we much realize that it is not the voice of all Moslems
-5 results
These groups are small
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Unique
In the last general election, we see that Islamic Parties received only 14
-Unique
99% of the vote; most people choose secular and national- religious parties
-Unique
Moreover, 55% of Islamist party sympathizers idealize the Pancasila as the state ideology
-5 results
So, in term of numbers, abjections to the continued existence of the Pancasila are raised by a very small number of
people
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The problem is that with such a small group sounding their voice very loudly, and the majority of Moslems choose
to keep silent
-Unique
· Recommendation From the foregoing discussion of the current position it can be concluded that most Indonesians
want to keep the Pancasila as the national ideology and basic foundation
-Unique
So the next step is how to face the two problems, namely western domination and small group of radical Muslim
-Unique
In civil society every person is empowered to pursue his or her own happiness and has autonomy in deciding the
manner in which that can be accomplished
-Unique
When people act independently and think rationally, socio-culturally they will develop tolerance and appreciation
others' indepdency
-Unique
The growth of Indonesian democracy in the last decade shows that we are on the right track in developing civil
society
-Unique
Step by step many political positions, such as regents and governors, have been filled through public election
-Unique
Although money politics often coloring the elections, people seern to be more mature in making their choices
-Unique
Moreover, when political figures do something unjust or corrupt, the general public takes it upon themselves to
raise their voices
-Unique
Current news often report citizens and students demonstrating in response to unjust decisions of local government
and overt corruption
-Unique
One of these is reform of the national education system
-Unique
Since the time of the Suharto regime, the national education system has emphasized cognitive aims
-Unique
While UNESCO has launched four pillars of education for the 21st century, the Indonesian educational system
continues to ignore character bμilding
-Unique
The focus of national education is to develop learning to know and to do and pays litle attention to nurturing
learning how to be and to live together
-Unique
From this point of view, reform of the national education system should be pushed in the direction of nurturing
character building of its students
-Unique
Furthermore reform of education should turn schools into institutions with the obligation of inculating Indonesian
local identity
-Unique
Until now Indonesian schools teach mostly Western and middle Eastern cultures and identities
-5 results
It is not easy to change the schools climate to be more Indonesian
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Unique
In this case, Kalijaga's educational reforms are of special interest just because there are many similarities between
conditions then and now
-Unique
Sunan Kalijaga is one of the 'nine high nobles (Wali Songgo) who become Moslem leaders in the Demak era of the
sixteenth century
Unique
Yet he defended his local identity through the wearing of Javanese dress
-Unique
We could imagine how hard his life was
-Unique
He not only wore local clothing but also creatively developed the wayang shadow puppet theater as a pedagogical
tool
-Unique
He used the wayang to educate people to be Javanese
-Unique
To allay Hadramauti suspicions, Kalijaga cleverly added an Islamic symbol called Jamus Kalimasada on his wayang
-6,770,000 results
The symbol is a most powerful heirloom, but it very rarely comes on the screen
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Through adding the Islamic sympol, Kalijaga rendered the wayang as acceptable vehicle of comrnunication for
Moslem leaders, although it very rarely deals with Islamic values and norms
-Unique
From Kalijaga's genius in leadership we can learn much for reforming our educational system
-Unique
The most important lesson to be learned from Kalijaga is that educational reform must be based on indigenous
culture and take account into the harmonious relationships among all stakeholders
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In addition to furthering indigenous values, Indonesian school reform must also be directed foward development of
students' critical thinking
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Critical thinking is a purposeful and reflective judgment about what to believe and how to act in response to
observations, experiences, verbal or written expressions, or arguments
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Through developing' critical thinking, students could engage in making rational decisions, building strong
arguments and taking both academic and socio-cultural responsibilities for their decisions
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On the other hand, students also could learn from questioning or arguing the validity of any statement wherever it
comes from
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To develop critical thinking, the school environment needs to be changed in most totally different perspectives from
the conventional one
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School should be a safe place for students to express their opinions where no one can arbitrarily dismiss or ridicule
them,· including teachers
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Students and teachers should be equal in discussions or debate forums, so they can stimulate one another
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Teaching-learning
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processes are also influenced by students' activities in observation, collecting data, writing opinion, presentation,
discussion, and debate
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Through education reform that stresses building students' character, I feel the new Indonesian generation could
develop strong arguments that the
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Pancasila is the best foundation for peaceful life of a diverse nation as Indonesia
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References Alfitra Salam, 2004
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"Biarlah
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NasionaliSme Keindonesiaan Punah" (Let Nationalism Be Extinct)" at
-713,000 results
October 28th
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Bush, Robin
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"Regional 'Sharia' Regulations in Indonesia: Anomaly or Symptom
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'' In Greg Fealy and Sally White, ed, Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia
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Singapore: Institute of SOutheast Asian Studies
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Dewi Candranmgrum
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Fromm, Erich
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' of Man
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Translated in English by
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New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co
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Nkrumah, Kwame
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Neo-Colonialism; the Last Stage of Imperialism
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marxists.org/subject/ africa/ nkrumah/ neo-colonialism/ index.htm Nordholt, Henk Schulte
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Jakarta Post, 16 August 2002
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Jakarta Post, 26 November 2008 http:/ www,mediaindo
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id=1024 http:/ www
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I cite a report from The Jakarta Post, 16 August 2002: Ask young Indonesians today what makes them Indonesians,
and the answer may likely surprise, or disappoint
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"I'm Indonesian because I was born in Indonesia and I'm a citizen of Indonesia, I just have to live with that," Intan
Nirwani, a 14-year-old high school student,
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It may be a false assumption to say that Intan and Swastika represent the general feeling of Indonesia's younger
generation about their country, but their answers reflect
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brown.edu
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In order to build a strong moral defense, he organized the Asia Africa Conference in 1955, which was attended by
representatives of many newly independent countries from Asia
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The conference's stated aims were to promote Asian-African economic and cultural cooperation and to oppose
colonialism or neo-colonialism by the United States, tbe Soviet Union, or any other imperialistic
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Control over government policy in the neo- colonial state may be secμred by payments towards the cost of running
the State, by the provision of civil servants in positions where
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a point at which his heart is accessible to the priest, so every want is an opportunity for approaching one's neighbor
with an air of friendship, and saying, Dear friend,
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FRAGILE POSITION OF THE PANCASILA Many people; especially from minority groups are concerned over the future cf the Pancasila in Indonesia. They fear that it will be replaced by a foreign system. Is. this probable? In this paper I try to calculate possibility, both from the positive and negative. sides. Current trends show that opinion for negating the Pancasila and replacing it with another ideology .is becoming stronger, If this happens it would indicate a loss of national feeling with few emotional contacts with their own country. I cite a report from The Jakarta Post, 16 August 2002: Ask young Indonesians
today what makes them Indonesians, and the answer may likely surprise, or disappoint you. "I'm Indonesian because I was born in Indonesia and I'm a citizen of Indonesia, I just have to live with that," Intan Nirwani, a 14-year-old high school student, said when she was asked about what it meant being an Indonesian. Swastika, 24, an anchor at a TV station and also Javanese, gave a similar answer. "It's just a statistical status. I mean...you are Indonesian because your ID and your passport say so," Swastika stated. It may be a false assumption to say that Intan and Swastika represent the general feeling of Indonesia's younger generation about their country, but their answers reflect a growing trend among the younger generation. They seem to have grown further away from the sense of being Indonesian that was still very much alive among the previous generations. For many of today's young people, being
Indonesian means nothing more than a "geographical fact" -- because they were born and raised in the country. Nothing more, nothing less. Ramadhani, 22, a high school dropout and a street beggar, and Ismail, 17, a student at the Santi Rama school for the disabled, said they were Indonesians only because they lived here. 1 From the newspaper stories we could take understanding that many young people have no emotional touch to Indonesia. For them, Indonesia is nothing. Indonesia is only a place where they were born and where they are living now. Looking deeper, we discover that the problem with loss of Indonesian identity for young people .has complex and deep roots. Henk Schulte Nordholt describes Indonesian History as history without people .(Nordholt 2004). By this he means that there is no appropriate story for Indonesians; in history they are always portrayed as poor, stupid,· 1Jakarta Post, August 16 th 2003. Similar to the statement, Alfitra Salam had wrote, “Biarlah Nasionalisme Keindonesiaan Punah” (Lets Nationalism Exterminated) at www.mediaindo.co.id October 28 th , 2004. traditional, and uncivilized. Their knowledge and skills are due to foreign 'goodness' that came with colonization. At the same time, Nordholt observes Indonesians live without history. They do not live on .the basis of their own historical experiences, but upon current information and trends. From this viewpoint, we could take understanding that Indonesian people, especially their young generation, are ready to be followers and consumers of global trend. In this context global trends stands for all the facts, i.e. mental-facts, socio-facts and arti-facts, which derive from globel power. In the sixties Sukarno called the global power that as Nekolim power: Neo colonialism and imperialism. Neo-colofilhlisrn is defined, interestingly enough, by Kwame Nkrumah as .the last stage of imperialism. Furthermore, he explains: Neo-colonialisni is also the worst form of imperialism. For those who practice it, it means power without responsibility and for those who suffer from it, it means exploitation without redress. In the days of old-fashioned colonialism, the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the actions it was taking abroad. In the colony those who served the ruling imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent move by their opponents. With neo-colonialisro neither is the case (Nkrumah, 1965). Sukarno saw that the impact of neo-colonialism was very dangerous for Indonesia. In order to build a strong moral defense, he organized the Asia Africa Conference in 1955, which was attended by representatives of many newly independent countries from Asia and Africa. The conference's stated aims were to promote Asian-African economic and cultural cooperation and to oppose colonialism or neo-colonialism by the United States, tbe Soviet Union, or any other imperialistic nations. Finally, the conference agreed to build Non Alignment Movement. 2 Sukarno's anti neo-colonialism grew into
an anti-Western project by the end of the 1950s. In the mid 1960s direct confrontation came about between Indonesia and Western (British) colonial powers ovet the question of Malaysia independence. It ended only in 1966, when.Sukarno was bloodily replaced by Suharto, who brough about a new atmosphere in relations between Indonesia and the West. The most important decision of Suharto's regime in molding Indonesia's future was to change the ultimate national goals: Justice and Prosperity was reduced to material prosperity only through embracing 2 Sukarno named the group as NEFO (New
Emerging Forces). At the end of the conference, 29 Afro- Asian states signed a 10-points Declaration on Promotion of World Peace and Cooperation. Western capitalism. The decision brought Indonesia under Western dominance, or in Nkrumah's view, Indonesia fall into a neo~colonial relationship. The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings at international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside: The methods and form of this direction can take various shapes. For
example, in an extreme case the troops of the imperial power may garrison the territory of the neo- colonial state and control the government of it. More often, however, neo-colonialist control is excercised through economic or monetary means. The neo-colonial state may be obliged to take the manlJ,facttired products of the imperialist power to the exclusion of competing products from elsewhere. Control over government policy in the neo- colonial state may be secμred by payments towards the cost of running the State, by the provision of civil servants in positions where they can dictate policy,
and by monetary control over foreign exchange through the imposition of a banking system controlled by the imperial power. lt is possible that neo-colonial controls may be exercised by a consortium of financial interests, which are not specifically identifiable with any particular State. The control of the Congo by great international financial concerns is a case in point (Nkrumah, 1965). One of cultural impacts of western domination had been the change of Indonesin life style irito a more materialistic one. The existence of human beings is no longer dependant upon their strong character; but up on how much they have in property and other forms of wealth. The cultural condition of the Indonesian people has become similar to Erich Fromm description of a 'sense of having': As every imperfection of man is a bond with heaven, a point at which his heart is accessible to the priest, so every want is an opportunity for approaching one's neighbor with an air of friendship, and saying, Dear friend, I will give you. what you need, but you know the conditio sine qua non. You know what ink you must use in signing yourself over to me. I shall swindle you while providing your enjoyment. The entrepreneur accedes
to the most depraved fanties of his neighbor, plays the role of pander between him and his needs, awakens unhealthy appetites in him, and watchess for every weakness .in order later, to claim the remuneration for this labor of love. “The man who has thus become subject to his alienated needs is 'a mentally and physically dehumanized being... the self-conscious and self acting commodity.' This commodity man knows only one way of relating himself to the world outside, by having it and by consuining (using) it. The more alienated be is, the more the sense of having and using constitutes his relationship to the world. 'The less you are, the less you express your life, the more youhave, the greater is your alienated life and the greater is the saving of your alienated being' (Fromm, 1961). Frqrn this point of view corruption, collusion, and nepotism, which spread out in Indonesia during the 32 years
of Suharto's regime, are rooted in what Erich Fromm called as sense of having. In general, Indonesian society does not care about politics and state ideology per se. Politicians, bureaucrats, and many state officials do not provide what the people need; they make personal economic profits in order to get properties that they need. Besides loosing indigenous identity of young generation, it is also possible that the Pancasila might be replaced by Islamic values and norms. In the last five years we could see 'anti sipilis' movement come on Indonesian political screen. Through expressing their belief, the Islamic
movements reject secularism, pluralism, and liberalism. A Survey of the Center for Islamic and Society (PPIM) at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta shows that most Islamic studies teachers oppose pluralism. The movement is supported in particular by Islamic organizations that want to change Indonesia into an Islamic state. Furthermore, Jajat Burhanudin as a chief of PPIM said: I think they play a key role in promoting conservatism and radicalism among Muslims nowadays. You cannot say now that conservatism and radicalism only develop on the streets like what has been campaigned by
the FPI (the Islam Defenders Front), but rather deep within the education (system) (Jakarta Post, 26·November 2008). The movement has deep root in Indonesian history. Before the coming of European nations, Indonesia is dominated by Islamic kingdoms, such as Aceh in Sumatra island, Banjar in Kalimantan, and Demak in Java. After Independence proclamation at 1945, struggle to build Indonesia Islamic state occurred in many places. The movement could be suppressed by Indonesian government through a short period of civil war, but the ideology is still exist or never die. When a wave of Islamic
awakening comes in 1990s, the dream of Indonesia Islamic state once more taken up at national level. In the beginning 21 st century, Islamic organizations and movements growth rapidly and their influences in public space are getting stronger. One indicator of the Islamic movements’ strength is their struggle to implement Islamic laws which is called Perda Sharia. Through provincial and local .representative bodies Islamic laws have been grafted on to regional regulations. Robin Bush claims that up to 55% of regional regulations are related to religion law. Furthermore he explains: ... regional regulatiohs
which could be considered linked directly to Islamic teachings or shari'a, 14, or 33% require civil servants, students, or in some cases just Muslims in general, to wear 'Muslitn clothing' – usually defined as wearing a jilbab for women, and a 'baju koko' for men. These regulations vary widely from district to district. For example, in Banjar, Kalimantan; Muslim civil servants are required to wear jilbab and baju koko on Fridays. In Enrekang, South Sulawesi, Muslim civil servants and students must wear Muslim clothing every day (Perda 10/2005 - civil servants and students not complying are listed as absent on that day); and in Bulukumba, South Sulawesi, all women (Muslim or not) must wear jilbab to receive the services of the village government, kelurahan Perda 5/2003) (Bush, 2008). From national viewpoint, the Perda Sharia contradicts to National Constitution. In paragraph 28, Constitution guarantees the equality of all citizens of all groups, as well as the guarantee of human rights through various sections in the constitution. Beside conflicting with national constitution, the local regulations also directly challenge unity in diversity motto of Bhineka Tunggal Ika. ...although Islam is the religion of the majority there are also non-Muslim among Indonesians and institutionally Indonesia is not an Islamic state, therefore the ratification of Perda Sharia betrayed national consensus agreed upon by the founding fathers of the republic (Candraningrum 2006). A LSI Survey shows that 61,4 percent of the Indonesian people
are afraid that the perda syari'a will break the unity of Indonesia (www.politikindonesia.com/readhead.php? Id=1024). TAKDIR, a legal aid NGO, make periodic requests for judicial review in cases of Perda Sharia to the Supreme Court: In April 2007, in a surprisingly little-remarked-upon verdid, the Supreme Court rejected the request for judicial review of the Tanggerang regulation against prostitution on the grounds that the city government had followed all correct procedures in its formulation. As the municipality of Angering also had the constitutional right to produce such regulation, the Court opined, there was no basis for judicial review of the content of the law. Women's groups, as well as the NGOs that had brought the case to the Supreme Court for review, were disappointed with this decision. They believed that the Court could have taken up not just the procedural issues in the formation of the regulation, but also its contents (Bush, 2008). Second indicator of both Islamic movements' strength and the desire to replace Pancasila is the growth of religious sentiment, both among Islamic religion organizations and between Islamic organization and other religion organization. The Wahid Institute notes that there have been ten blasphemy cases in the past two years. The Blasphemy Article (1966) prohibits people from practicing and interpreting a belief which deviates from the main rules and interpretation of a specific religion. One of cases between Muslim and non Muslim happened at October 11 th , 2008, FPI (defender Islamic Front) attacked Sapto Dharmo members who were holding religious ritual. The Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, an Indonesian human rights group that promotes tolerance and counts former President Abdurrahman Wahid as one of its founders, reports that religious intolerance is
increasing in Indonesia. 265 cases of violence against religions were reported January to December 2008, as increase from 135 cases in 2007. In those cases, there was no clear position taken· by governmental authorities or the bureaucracy. The government seems reluctant to see violence precipitated by religion intolerance as criminal. It in action makes many people argue for increased governmental commitment by retaining the Pancasila as national "umbrella" in safeguarding the principle of Indonesia.as pluralistic nation. Although both lotal and national cases graphically illustrate the fragile position of the Pancasila, it is not as vulnerable as it looks. Indonesia still has considerable resources for defending it. Most Indonesians still believe that continuation of the Pancasila is crucial for Indonesia. A survey shows that 96,6% want the Pancasila defended as the basis of the nation; 92.1 % said that it is the best
foundation for Indonesia. Moreover most Indonesians believe that the Pancasila is rooted in indigenous culture; Indonesia is a colorful nation in its composition, comprising more than sixteen ethnic groups with Javanese as the largest, each with its own specific traditions and local cultures. It means that plurality is a reality, which we cannot deny. Indonesian.society, especially in the past, believes that the differences actually complement one another to build universal harmony. Based on this believe, people always treat others as their own family and see