Certificate
lndm'iesian I fotory-Stttdies Centre
jaro.&i)l11..-rca
Univer~ity
Awarded to
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7 APR 2013
ba'ng Harnoto, M.Si.
kil Rektor II
!}{.
Purwanta, Af.52l.
As a Speaker
For his participation in the International Seminar
Pancasila's Contemporary Appeal
Re-Legitimizing Indonesia's Founding Ethos
Yogyakarta, July 1-2, 2009
~
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Drs. Silverio R. L.
~ji
Sampurno, M.Hum.
Director of
Indontsian History Studies Centre
Frank Dbont, M.A., M.Hum., M.Phil.
Coordinator Yale Indonesia Forum
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. Sanata Dharma
Yale
· . '.· Vniversity
University
PAN'.CAsfl.A.'s~-:.~,···
coNTEMl)ORARY APPE·AL:
RE-LEGlTIMJZI :-..:,. ,
1:'-..DON ES.IA'S
J·()LJNOlNG
ETHOS
Yale lnd·onesia
Forum
International C(;in.ference Book Series, No. 2
Indonesian History Stit4;ies. Centre, Sanata
Dharm.a
University
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of Contents ... .' ..
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Introduction:)ndonesia's Pancasiia·
~--~:.;:~···
Frank Dhdnt
Inspiringa·Nation.
.!!!!!!!l!ii!l!!l!l!!l!!!ililllM1mll!lm!!l!!!!!!!1!!!!!!1!!!!1!!!!!1!!!!!!!!1!!!!1!M . . .
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Pancasila, The Living Staatsfundamentalnorm
of The Indonesian Nation-State: Norins; Institutions,
and Performance
Saafraedin .Bahar
(Re) Imagming·.community - Pancasila and National Identity
in Contemp'OI'aly Indonesia
·
·
Michael O'Shannassy
•
Studies of Pancasila: Balancing Telrologyand Deontology? ...
Agus Wahyudi
Has Pancasila Ever been Relevant: An· Historical Inquiry ...
Michael Wood
Why Pancasila May Look Irrelevant Today ,;,. And Why
It May Not
Pancasila V aloes and National
Edttca.tion
Fragile Position Of The Pancasila
H. Purwanta
··:
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·.·. ·. PANCA::>u.A'S
CoNTEMPoRAAYAl'Pl;!AL • · .
.
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Pancasila Educati6n m·Po$fRl!form
Era
'Senior High Schools
(SMA):
A
Study
in
Yogyakarta · ...
163
Hastangka
·
Pancasila' s Cori.temporary
Ap?iat
and Mass Communications
193
Andri A. Hardf
ana
·
· . · .. Consuming National·
Id~logy:irfThe
Blogosphere: The Case
of Rukunegara and Its Iinplitati6ns
on
The Understanding
. of Pancasila's Contemporary Appeal .. : ... '. ...
~...
217
Rommel A. Curaming
: ixpressions of Pancasila: ·
Translating "Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa"
An
Amenable
.Religious Ideology ... '..:'.'. ...
~
... : .. : ... : .... ,. .. , ... .
239
Sita Hidayah
The Chronicle of Pancasila ir{Visual Arts:
A Preliminary Study
.... .-... :.: .... : ... : ... ..
255
G.BudiSubanar'
·
Reinterpreting Pancasila Kita: ...
~
... .
271
M. Endy Saputro
Rhythms of a National·Body;
Balinese Dance and Thelde0i'ogy of Pancasila ...
r ... .285
Jennifer Goodlande'r
·
. . Applying Pancasila in
a.'c~{°'11;1mp;;
The Pancasila as an Idea>
not an
Icon: Masyumi and The State
· Ideology ... : ... : .... : ...
~
... : ...
.1...
301
Kevin
W.
Fogg
Village Democracy: The futeratti6n &tween Local Culture
and Modem Political Patterns ... :...
325
Pius
s,
Prasetyo
The Post-New Order Pancasila P.ress: Idea And Practice
by The 'Kedaulatan Rakya:t' Yogyakarta Daily ...
353
Lukas
S.
Ispandriarno
·
Pancasila: The Case Of Bening Village, Sleman, Yogyakarta .
377
Silverio R.L.
Aji
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"
. FRAGILE POSITION OF THE PANCA.SILA
~;
Pu.rwa:nta
Sanata,:Dhanna University
Position of the.
Pancasila
. Many people; especially from minority groups are
concerned over the future
cf
the Pancasila in Indonesia. They
fear that it
will be
replaced
by
a foreign system.
Is.
this
probable?
In this paper I try
t~ c.hl~C!.te
thEi possibility, both from the
positive and negative. sides .. Current trends show that opinion
'·
.
. for negating the Partcasila
~cl
replacing it with another ideology
.is becoming stronger,
If
this happens it would indicate a loss of
national feeling with .few
·~1Ilotional
contacts with their own
country. I cite a report
from
The
Jakarta Post,
16Augqst 2002:
Ask young Indonesians today what
m~kes
them
Indonesians, and . the answer may likely su,rprise, or
disappoint you;
"I'm Indonesian. because. !:was born in Indonesia and I'm
a citizen oflndoniesia,
1
jusi have to live with that," Uitan
Nirwani, a
14~yea,;~oid.high
school student, said when
she was asked abou,t
wrui.t
it meant' being an Indonesian.
PANCASILA'S CONTEMPORARY APPEAL
"It's just a statistical status.
I.
mean ... you are Indonesian
because your ID and your passport say so," Swastika
stated.
·
·
It
may
be a false assumption ro-,
say
that
lntan and Swastika
represent the general feelin'g ·of Indonesia's younger
generation about their couritry,
but
their .answers reflect
a
growing trend among the yo\lnger generation. They seem
to have· grown further away . from the. sense of being
Indonesian that was still very. much alive among the
previous generations.
For inany of today's young ·people, being Indonesian
means nothing more than · a ·"geographical fact" -- ·
because they were . born . and. raised . in . the country ..
Nothing more, nothing less ... ·
Ramadhani, 22, a 'high school dropout and a street
beggar, and Ismail; 17, a student at the Santi Rama
school for the disabled, said·tbey weye Indonesians only
because they lived here (cf Alfitra 2004). ·
..
From such newspaper stories we can understand that ma·ny
young people have no emoti6nal identity with Indonesia. F.or .
them Indonesia is nothing, is only a place where they were
bo~
·
and where they are now-living.
Looking deeper, we disCdver that the problem with loss
of Indonesian identity for young
p~ple
.has complex and deep . ·
roots. Henk Schulte Nordholt describes Indonesian History
as
history without people .(Nordholt
2004).
By this he means that
there is no appropriate story for Indonesians; in history they are
always portrayed as poor, stupid,· traditional, and uncivilized'.
...
'..
..
.·,;._...·
..
..
·
Their knowledge and skills are due to foreign 'goodness' that ·. .' '. ..
came with colonization. At the
~ame
time, Nordholt observes
·.:"
I'. ··" .
·.1.
Indonesians tive without history. They do not live on .the . " · ·
basis of their own
hi~toric~l
experiences, but upon current.·.
information and trends. From
this
poirit .of view, we understand .
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·. th.at Indonesians, especially:the younger generation, are ready
· to.
·be followers and consurne,ts of global trends ..
In
this context
. global trends stands for
all
the
facts, i.e. mental-facts, socio-facts
. and
arti-facts, which daive·from globeµ power.
.
In the sixties Sukarno called the global
power
that
· . r:n.otivated the West
'Neko~in:L'
power, i.e. neo .. colonialism and
imperialism~
Neo-colofilhlisrn is defined, interestingly enough,
by Kwame Nkrumah as .the last stage of imperialism.
:F":urthermore, he exl'lains: ·
.
.
Neo-colonialisni is· atso. the worst. form of imperialism.
For . those who pr.actice. it, it means power. without
responsibility and for those who suffer from it, ifmeans
expfoitation with'out redress. In the days of old-fashioned
colonialism, the imperiai. power had at least to explain
and justify at home the 1!1-Ctions it was taking a.Proad. In
the colony those• who serv.ed the ruling ·imperial power
could at least look
to
i~
protection against any violent
move by their opponents. With neo-colonialisro neither
is the case
cNkruh'llili
:1965).
·
.
Sukarno saw that tl\e··u.npact of nee-colonialism was very
dangerous for Indonesia'..
In
order to build
a
strong moral
defense, he organized
the
Asia Africa Conference in 1955,
which was attended by . representatives· of many newly
independent countries·
frotrr
Asia and Africa. The conference's
stated aims were to pr?mote Asian-African economic and
cultural cooperation·· ·and · to oppose colonialism or
neo-co.lonialism by the United States, tbe Soviet Union, or any other
'imperialistic natiori. Final).y, the conference agree¢1 to build Non
Alignment Movement)
Sukarno named the group as
NEFO
(New Emerging Forces).
At the end of
the conference, 29
Afro~A,sum
states
si~ed
a 10-point
·Declaration on
Promotion of World Peace. and.Cooperation.
151
PANCASILA'S' CON!EMPQRARY APPEAL
Sukarno's anti neo-colonial:i:stn grew into an anti-Western
project by the end of .the 1950s.· In the 'mid 1960s direct
confrontation came about betWeen. 'Indonesia and Western
(British) colOnial powers
ovet
th,e question of Malaysia
independence. It ended only in 1966,when.Sukarno 'was bloodily
replaced'
by
Suharto, who
.brough~
about a new atmosphere in
relations betWeen Indonesia and the .West, The most important
decision of. Suharto's regime
in.
molding Indonesia's future was .
to change the. ultimate national g0als.·
J~stice
and Prosperity
was reduced to material prosperity o:Ny, .through embradng
Western capitalism. The decision brought Indonesia under
Western dominance, or in Nkrumah's.view, Indonesia
fall
info
a
neo~colonial
relationship.
The essence of neo-coloniaii.St;n:
:is
that the State
which
is
subject
tO
it is,
in
theory, independent· and has all the outward
trappings
at°
international sovereignty. In reality its .economic
system and thus its political policy is directed from outside.
"c:...,
The methods and form of this direction can take various
shapes. For example, in an extreme cas·e the troops of
the imperial power may garrison the territory of the
neo-colonial State and control the government. of it. More often.
however, neo-colonialist control is
ex~rcised
through
economic or monetary means. The. nep-col9nial State
may be obliged to take the manlJ,facttired products of the
imperialist power to the exclusion -of competing products
from elsewhere. Control over government policy in the ·
neo-colonial State may be secµted'by payments towards
the cost of running the State, by the provision of civil .
servants in positions where they can dictate policy, and ·
by monetary control over foreign exchange through the ·
imposition of a banking system. oontrolled by the imperial
powcr ...
lt
is possible that
neo~colonial
-control may be
exercised by a consortium of fipanci.al interests, which
are not specifically identifiable with any particular State ..
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ANC;\SILA VALUES AND NATIONAL EDUCATION
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The control of the Congo
by
great international financial
concerns is a case in.
poini.(lbid.
65).
One of cultur!11.
imp~cts
of western domination had been
the
change of
Indonesi~
life"
style irito a
more
materialistic one.
The existence of
human· beings is no longer dependant upon
¢,e'ir
strong character;
but· up
on how much they have in
· ·property
and
other
forms.·
of. wealth. The cultural condition of
·.the Indonesian people
has·.
become similar to Erich Fromm'
description of
a
'sense ofhaVing':
As. every
imp¢ection
o(rnan is a bond with heaven, a
point at. which his
heart .is accessible to the 'priest, so
every want is . an· opportunity for approaching one's
neighbor with
an
ai.f.· of. friendship, and saying, Dear
friend,
I
will give
'you.
what you need, but you
know
the
conditio sine q71a
no~.,
You
know what
ink
you r.nust use
in signing yourself over
.te>·
me.
I
shall swindle you while
providing your enjoyment.') The entrepreneur accedes
to
the most depq1ved.fanties of his neighbor, plays the role
of pander betWeen
him
and his needs, awakens unhealthy
appetites
in
him,
att<;l
\\:'at.ch.es ·for every weakness
.in
order,
later, to claim the temuneTa.tion for this labor of love." The
man who has thus
b~ome
•subject to his alienated needs
is
'a mentally and physically dehumanized
being ... the
self-conscious
and
se!faCtiMg commodity.'
This
comn;iodity-man knows only
on~
way
of relating himself to the world
outside, by having it
and
l:>y consuining (using) it. The
more alienated· be
is,
the ..
more the sense of haVing and
using constitute·s his relationship to the world. 'The less
you
are,
the less
you
expr~ss
your life, the more you
have,
the greater is your
·r;ilienated
life and the greater is
the saving of your alienated being' (Fromm
.1961).
Frqrn
this point of view ce>:rrUption, collusion, and nepotism,
w.hich spread out
in
I.i1.done,sia.during the 32 years. of Suharto's
· regime, are rooted
in
what·
Erich Fromm called as sense of
.
. . .
.
'.
.'h_aving. In general, Indonesian society does . not care about
153
(
J.'
ANCASILA'S CONTEMPORAR):' APPEAL
politics and state ideology per se;
Politicians~
bureaucrats, and · .·
many state officials do not provide·
what
the people need; they.·
make personal economic profits
in
o!der:
to·
get
properties that .
they need.
' .
.
.
Besides loosing indigenous
id~ntity
of young generation,·
it is also possible that the Pancasila might be replaced
by.
Islamic values . and norms. In the
last fiv.e years we could see
'anti sipilis' movement come on. Iridonesian political screen:
Through expressing their .belief, the .. Islamic movements reject.
secularism, pluraJism, and liberalism. A
Sury~y
of the Center ·
for Islamic and Society (PPIM). at Syarif. Hidayatullah
Stat~.·
Islamic University in Jakarta shows that. most Islamic studies ·
teachers oppose pluralism. The
.·~ovement
is supported .in
particular
by
Islamic organizations that want to change Indonesia
into an Islamic state. Furthermore, Jajat Burhanudin as a chief
of PPIM said:
I
think
they play a key role
i.o
J>XOtnoting conservatism
and radicalism among Muslims nowadays. You cannot
say now that conserv;atism and
rad.icaiis~
only develop
on the streets like what has b~en
campaigned by the FPI
(the Islam Defenders Front), but rather deep within the
education (system)
(Jakarta Post,
26·November 2008).
The movement
ha~
deep roots in Indonesian history.
Before the coming of Europeans, Indonesia.was dominated
by .. ·
Islamic kingdoms as Aceh (Sumatra), Banjar (Kalimantan), and·
Demak Gava). After the Independence Proclamation in 1945,·a
.
.
.
struggle to create an Islamic Iridonesia.
s~aJe·
occurred in many
places. The movement . was
supp~e~sed
b
0
y
the Indonesian
government through a short period, of civil war, but the.·.
ideology never dies.
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When wave
of·
°Islamic awakening came in the 1990s,
. . . .· · . the dream of an Indonesian Isl.imic state once more was taken
, . ,: ... : up at national
lev~l.
At l.:lie
~~ng
of the 21st ceptury, Islamic
·. organizations and movements grew rapidly with their influence
·
...
.·
...
·. :within
the public space
b~orrti.fig
ever stronger.
One
indicator
. . of Islamic movement.s' streitgth
is
their success in implementing
Islamic laws at
th~
local
le~el,.
the·
Perda
Sharia ..
Through
provincial and local .represen,tative bodies Islamic· laws have
. been grafted on to regional regulations. Robin Bush claims that
·. up to 55% of regional regulations are related to religion law.
Furthermore,
... regional regulatiohs which could be considered linked
directly to IslamiC teachings or
shari 'a,
14, or 33%
require civil servants, , students, or
in
some cases just
Muslims in gener.al,
to
:wear
'Muslitn clothing' - usually
defined as weanng
ajilb.,ab
for women, and a
'baju koko'
for men. These regul:atioµs vary widely from district to
district. For ex.ample,
in
Banjar, Kalimantan; Muslim
civil servants are requ.ired to wear jilbab and baju koko
on Fridays. In Enrekang,. South Sulawesi, Muslim civil
servants and students must wear 1';1uslim clothing every
day (Perda 10/2005 - civil servants and students not
complying are listed as absent on that day); and in
Bulukumba, Sotith Sulawesi, all women (Muslim or not)
must wear
jilbab"to
receive the services of the village
government,
ke/ura!tqn
cPerda
5/2003) (Bush 2008).
From national viewpoint, the
Perda Sharia
contradicts
the Constitution.
Paragiaph:28
guarantees the equality of all
citizens of all groups, as well·a$ the guarantee of human rights
through various· sections
in
the.constitution. Besides conflicting
with the Constitution, . ·these local regulations also directly
challenge the unity in diversity motto of
Bhinneka tunggal eka.
(
PANCASILA'S CONTEMPORARY APPEAL.
. .. although Islam is the reliii.on of the m,ajority there are
also non-Muslim among Indonesians. and institutionally
Indonesia. is not an Isiam:ic 'sfate, ·therefore the
ratification of
Perdd Sharia
betrayed:rtational consensus
a.greed upon by the founding fathers of the republic
(Candraningrum 2006).
A LSI Survey shows :that 61,4 percent of the Indonesian people
· are afraid that the perda syari'
a
Will
break
the unity of Indonesia
(www.politlkindonesia.com/readhead.php? Id=1024).
TAKDIR, a legal aid NGO,
·~ake~
periodic requests
fbr
judicial review in cases of
Perda Sharia
to the Supreme Court:
In·. ·
April 2007, in a surprisingly little-remarked-upon verdid, the:
Supreme Court rejected the request for judicial review of: the·
Tanggerartg regulation against prostitution on the grounds that
the city government had followed all correct procedures
in·
its
formulation. As the municipality of Ai:\gering also had . the
constitutional right to produce suc;h regulation, the Court·
opined, there was no basis for judicial review of the content ·of
the law. Women's groups, as well as the NGOs that had brought
the case to the Supreme Court for review, were disappointed
with this decision. They believed·
~~at
the Court could have
taken up not just the procedural issues in .the formation of the
regulation: but also its content:S (Bush
ap
cit).
A second indicator of both Islamic. mo.vements' strength
and their desire to replace ·
th~
Pancasil~
is the growth · of .
religious sentiment among Islaritlc religious organizations and .
between Islamic and other religious or.ga$ations. The Wahid
Institute notes that there have been ten. blasphemy cases in the
past two years. The Blasphemy Article
(1966)
prohibits people.
from practicing and interpreting a belief. which deviates ·from
'·
·"
".
.·:.
···:
the main 'rules and interpretation' .of a ·specific religion. One of .. "'.
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VALUES AND NATIONAL EDUCATION
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cases between 'Muslim .. and· non-Muslim took place on 11
October 2008, FPl (Isl.atnic· Defender's. Front) attacked
Sapto
.. ·
.Dharmo
members
who
wer.e holding religio:ris ritwµ. The Setara
Institute for Democracy and f)eace, an.Indonesian human rights
group that promotes
toler~e
and counts former President
· Abdurrahman Wahid as one of its founders, reports that religious
intolerance is increasing in ·Indonesia. 265 cases of violence
against religions were reported January to December 2008,
as increase from
135
·cases in 2007. -In those cases, there was
no clear position taken· by governmental authorities or
the
.bureaucracy. The
gov~~nment
seems' reluctant to see violence
precipitated by religion intolerance as criminal. It in action makes
many people argue for incre;;l.Sed governmental commitment by
.
..
'· retaining the Pancasila. as :national "umbrella". safeguarding
the principle of Indonesia.as pluralistic nation.
Although both lotal an.d national cases graphically
-illustrate the fragile position of the Pancasila, it is not as
vulnerable as it looks. 'lnd,oii.esia still has considerable resources
for defending
it.
Most Indo1lesians still believe that continuation
of the Pancasila is crucial for Indonesia. A survey shows
that 96.6% want the Panca$ila defended as the basis of the
·.nation;
92.1 % said that it.
is
the best foundation for Indonesia.
Moreover most Indonesians i,elieve that the Panc.asila is rooted
· :i:r).
indigenous culture; ·Indonesia is a colorful. nation in its
composition, comprising. :tnore. than sixteen ethnic. groups with
Javanese as the largest,
each
with its own specific traditions artd
' ' • I • •
local cultures.
It
means
tha,t
plurality is a reality, which We
cannot deny. Indonesian.society, especially in the past, believes
.tl-).at the differences
·a~tually
complement one another to build
universal harmony.
:Sas~d
on this believe, people.always treat
157
(
P ANCASILA'S CONTEMPORARY APPEAL
others as
their
own family and
see ..
social
coh~siveness
as the:
most important goal in life.
To make
sod'.11 cohesiveness work,
our society found a crec;i.tive
.m~r
of cooperation called .as.
gotong·royong.
It means togetheX collaboratively to resolve
a~
problem peacefully. Through ii:. Indonesians ·can solved any
problem, individual and social· ones alike. One reason
f~r
Indonesian people believing
that
the Pancasila. is rooted in
indigenous culture is because if:there is one term to epitomize
the Pancasila
it
is
gotong-royong'2
If
we then hear objections from the Moslem side, we
much reali.Ze that it is not the voice of all Moslems. These
groups are small. In the last general elec.P.on., we. see that Islamic
Parties received only 14.99% of
the
vote; .most people choose
secular and national-religious . parties. Moreover, 55% · of
Islamist party sympathizers ideaJize the Pancasila as the state
ideology.
So,
in term of numbers, abjections to the continued
existence of the Pancasila are raised by a very small number of.
people. The problem is that with such a small group soundi.rig
their voice very loudly, the majority of Moslems choose to keep
silent.
2. · Recommendation
From the foregoing discussfon of the current positfon it
can be concluded that most Indonesians ·want to keep the
Pancasila as the national ideofogy and basic foundation . .So .
the next step is how
t~
face tWo
probl~ms,
namely western
domination and small group of ·.radical Muslim. Most. in
---..---·-
211:12
In Sukarno's speech at the BPUPkI .meeting l June 1945. he said that
Pancasila 'is extracted to
~ethree, it would be.: believe in God. nationalism, .
and socialism.
-···
.
;..
'
.
',,
. "11 ...
J .. ''
..
·,' '
I·"·' ..
~
..
,'.
I
' ...
·.
:.
.
.
•,'·.
. .
. .
.
' '.
. . .
.
"
'
' . ·
·
... ·
.<'
PANCASILA VALUES
AND NATIONAL EDUCATION
• ,. :;·~ . .,"? ',o~!if·~J' .'<;rJV..:/Jl'.#'.>$,,4*"$_.At,;N$XPRP>.:#f!';/fo~:A~~'$
. viewing the . Indonesiart , future agree on the need. for civil
· society or in Islamic term a .'Madani Society'. In civil society
. every person is empowered to .pursue
his
or her own happiness
.. and
has autonomy
in
deciding the manner in which that can
·be
accomplished. when
~ople
act independently and
think
rationally, socio-culturally they will develop tolerance and
appreciation others'
in:de~dency.
The growth of Indonesian democracy
in
the last decade
·shows that we are on the .right track in developing civil society.
Step by step many. politi.cal p.osit.ion5, such as regents and
governors, have been ..
filled ..
through .public election. Although
· ·money politics often color the .elections, people se.ern
to
be
more
mature in making their · choices. Moreover,
when
political
figures do something unjust or corrupt, the general public takes
it· upon themselves to raise ·:their voices. Current news often
.report citizens and student;5 · demonstrating
in
response - to
unjust decisions of lbcal government and overt corruption.
Although there }-\ave . been many positive sides to the
.recent growth of Ind6nesian democracy, we still have a lot of
home works ahead of us
in
order to build a strong
civil
society.
· One of these is reform
of
the national education system. Since
the time of the Suharto regime, the national education system
has emphasized cognitive·
rul:i:ts.
While UNESCO has launched
four pillars of education f9r.Jhe
21st
century, the Indonesian
e.ducatibnal systemcontinues.t9 ignore charact.er bµilding. The
focus of national educa:tion
is
to develop learning to know and
to do and pays
li~tle
attention :to nurturing learning how to be
.
'.
.· qnd to live together.
From
this point of view, reform of the
national education system.should be pushed in the direction of
· nurturing character builCung of its students.
.
.
.
.
(
PANCASILA'S CONTEMPORARY APPEAL
Furthel'more reform of education should turn schools into .
institutions with the obligation
c,yf
inctJ.kating Indonesian local.
identity.
Until
now Indonesian schools teach mostly Western.
.a\..
M'ttltiU•
••• ...,
4d4'4'tlttN•
•
f._
(t: a\tll'
•••Y to
ehan~
the
schools climate to be mc;ire Indonesian. In this case, Kalijaga' s
educational reforms are of speciaHntt:rest just because there
are.
many similarities between conditions then and now. Sunan
Kalijaga is one of the ·'nine ·high nobles (Wa/i
Songgo)
who
become Moslem leaders in the ·
.Demak .
era of the sixteenth
century. He was surrounded by the domination of Hadramaut
culture. Yet he defended.his local
identity
through the wearing
of Javanese dress. We could itnagine how hard his life was.
He not only wore local
~lothing
'but
~so
creatively
develo~d
the
wayang
shadow puppet theater as a pedagogical tool.
He
used the
wayang
to educate
people
to be Javanese. To
allay
Hadramauti suspicions,, Kalijaga cleverly 'added an Islamic
symbol called
Jamus Kalimasada
ont~
his
wayang.
The symbol is
a most powerful heirloom, but
it
very rarely comes on. the .
screen. Through adding the
Isla.mi~
sympol, Kalijaga rendered·
the
wayang
ah acceptable vehicle
of
comrn,unication for Mosletn
leaders, although it very rarely deals with Islamic values and
norms. From Kalijaga's genius in leadership we can learn much
for reforming our educational system. The most important
lesson to be learned from Kalijaga is .that,.educational reform
must be based on indigenous
cul~re
and take account into
account .the harmonious relationshipsamo.ng all
stakeholder~;.
In addition to furthering indigenous values, Indonesian
school reform must also be direc,ted foward development, of
students' critical thinking. Critical thinking is a purposeful
' ' '
and reflective judgment abou.t what to beHeve and how to act
1~n
' .
"
' t '
' "
'
"
'"·. '
''··
....
"'
.1.·,' ·,'
· , ' '
·
...
·
,,'
·(
PANCASILA VALUES
AN1)NATIONAL EDUCATION
. >'.;1#';;,-'';.,.,.l/t~,w·F:'ffe'All"'JfK;#';,J?;l#l.C;tPt.A!'.#~~;Jf
.
in . response to observatioru?
1experiehces, verbal or written
expressions, or argurrtents. ¢rltj.cal thin.king involves determining
the meaning and
significan'c~
·of what is observed. or expressed
o/.
concerning a given inference or argument, determining
· whether there is adequate justification to accept the conclusion
a~
true. Through developing' critical thinking, students could
· . engage in making rational decisions, building strong arguments
and taking both acadei::nc
~d
socio-cultural responsibilities for
· .their decisions. On. the other hand, students also could learn
from questioning
·Or
arguing the validity of any statement
wherever it comes from.
To develop critical thinking, the school .environment
needs to be changed
in
~ost
totally different perspectives
from the conventional one; School should
be
a
s~e
place for
students· to express their opinions where no one can arbitrarily
dismiss or ridicule. them,· including teachers. Students and
teachers should be
~q:ual
·
~.
discussions or debate forums, so
they can stimulate one
a.nother.
Teaching-learning.processes are
also influenced by.students' activities in observation, collecting
<la.ta, writing opinion, presen.tation, discussion, and deba_!e.
Through education
r~orm
that.
stresses building students'
·character, I feel the new Indonesian generation could develop
strong arguments that the.Pancasila is the best foundation for
peaceful life of. a diverse na:tion as Indonesia.
They
will not be
. trapped as Heidegger na:J:ned as
da-sein
or
Erich
Fromm's
· . "'sense of having",
ciltho:u~
.to live
in
.global era
is
challenging
jl,lst because of the grow-fh'.of .capitalism becom:µig <l·juggemaut.
161
PANCASILA'S
CONTEMPCSRARY
APPEAL
'JYBf'",,,.4#£.ffYNJ<"IJ#',W...:J/';RJ.~~:.;&r§ <&"~.;.;,, J: ,~;
)
References
Alfitra Salam.
2004.
"Biarlah Nasionalisme Keindonesiaan Punah" ·.
(Let Nationalism Be Extinct} at.. www.mediaindo.co.id.
October 28th.
Bush, Robin.
2008.
"Regional 'Sharia' Regulations in Indonesia:
Anomaly or Symptom?'' In Greg' Fealy and Sally White ·
ed,
Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia .
.
Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
Dewi Candranfugrum.
2006;
Perda· Sharia and the Indonesian
Women's Critical Perspectives ..
A
working-paper presented
at the,conference on "Neue Willkuer gegen Frauen in .
Indonesien: Kontroversen · uin die Urnsetzung der
Regionale Scharia-Gesetze· .. Perda Syariah (New ..
Arbitrary against Women
.in'
Indonesia: Perda Sharia .
and Womens Rights)".
Fromm, Erich. 1961.
Marx's Concept' of Man.
Translated
in ·
English
by T. B.
Bottomote~.
New York: Frederick
UngarPublishlng Co. p.
55 .. · ·
·
Nkrumah, Kwame.
1965.
Neo-Colon:ialism; the Last Stage of
Imperialism.
Downloaded
·from
http:/ /www.marxists.
org/ subject/
africa/
nkrumah/
neo-colonialism/ index.htm
Nordholt, Henk Schulte.
2004.
De-colonising Indonesian
Hisforiography,
Paper delivered at the Centre for East.·
and South-East Asian Studl.es public lecture series
"Focus Asia", May 25- 27th, Lund University, Sweden.
Jakarta Post,
16
August
2002.
Jakarta Post,
26 November 2008
http://www.m:ediaindo.co.id
http://www.politikindonesia.com/teadhead. php? id =1024
http:/ /www.en.wikipedia.org
162
..
...
'.
.,
..
,'•
..•..
· . ;~·
: .'·
..
...
.•.
LE MB AR
BASIL PENILAIAN SEJA WAT SEBIDANG ATAU
PEER REVIEW
Prosiding Internasional
Judul Makalah
: Fragile Position of The Pancasila
Penulis Makalah : Dr. Hieronymus Purwanta, M.A.
Identitas Makalah :
a) Judul Prosiding
: Pancasila's Contemporary Appeal: Re-ligitimizing Indonesia's Founding
Ethos
b)
c)
d)
e)
f)
ISBN
Tahun Terbit
: 978-979-1088-56-5 EAN: 9-789791-08865
: 2010
Penerbit
Jumlah halaman
: Sanata Dharma University and Yale University
: 14 halaman
Uri
: https://repository.usd.ac.id/5918/
Nilai Maksimal Jurnal Ilmiah
Komponen yang dinilai
Prosding
Prosiding
Intemasional
Nasional
Kelengkapan dan kesesuaian isi
1.50
Jumal (10%)
Ruang Lingkup dan Kedalaman
Pembahasan (30%)
4.50
Kecukupan dan Kemutakhiran
Data/ Informasi dan Metodologi
4.50
(30%)
Kelengkapan Unsur dan Kualitas
4.50
Penerbit (30%)
Total=l00%
15.00
Nilai Akhir
Yang diperoleh
1,4
4,2
4,2
2
Komentar Per Reviewer :
1.
Tentang Kelengkapan dan Kesesuaian Unsur
3.
Kecukupan dan Kemutakhiran data serta Metodologi
4.
Kelengkapan Unsur Kualitas Penerbit
~~~ME
·
5.
Indikasi Plagiasi
I
6.
Kesesuaian Bidang Ilmu
(PROF. DR.
RMANU JOEBAGIO., M.PD.)
NPP/NIP
: 19560303198603100 I
Jabatan Akademik : Guru Besar (IV-b)
LE MB AR
HASIL PENILAIAN SEJAWAT SEBIDANG ATAU
PEER REVIEW
Prosiding Internasional
Judul Makalah
: Fragile Position of The Pancasila
Penulis Makalah : Dr. Hieronymus Purwanta, M.A.
ldentitas Makalah :
a) Judul Prosiding
: Pancasila's Contemporary Appeal: Re-ligitimizing Indonesia's Founding
Ethos
b)
c)
d)
e)
t)
ISBN
Tahun Terbit
: 978-979-1088-56-5 EAN : 9-789791-08865
: 2010
Penerbit
Jumlah halaman
: Sanata Dharma University and Yale University
: 14 halaman
Uri
: https://repository.usd.ac.id/5918/
Nilai Maksimal Jurnal Ilmiah
Komponen yang dinilai
Prosding
Prosiding
Internasional
Nasional
Kelengkapan dan kesesuaian isi
1.50
Jurnal ( 1 0%)
Ruang Lingkup dan Kedalaman
Pembahasan (30%)
4.50
Kecukupan dan Kemutakhiran
Data/ Informasi dan Metodologi
4.50
(30%)
Kelengkapan Unsur dan Kualitas
4.50
Penerbit (30%)
Total=l00%
15.00
Nilai Akhir
Yang diperoleh
1,3
3,7
4,0
4,0
Komentar Per Reviewer :
1.
Tentang Kelengkapan dan Kesesuaian Unsur
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Surakarta, 08 Maret 2017
(PROF. DR. SARIYATUN M.PD., M.HUM.)
NPP/NIP
:96103181989032001
Jabatan Akademik : Guru Besar (IV-b)
67% Unique
Total 24574 chars, 4283 words, 117 unique sentence(s).
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Results
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Unique
FRAGILE POSITION OF THE PANCASILA Many people; especially from minority groups are concerned over the future
cf the Pancasila in Indonesia
-Unique
They fear that it will be replaced by a foreign system
-JUDUL:
Fragile Position of the Pancasila
28,800 results
this probable
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In this paper I try to calculate possibility, both from the positive and negative
-Unique
Current trends show that opinion for negating the Pancasila and replacing it with another ideology
-5 results
is becoming stronger, If this happens it would indicate a loss of national feeling with few emotional contacts with
their own country
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Swastika, 24, an anchor at a TV station and also Javanese, gave a similar answer
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"It's just a statistical status
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sketsadamai.blogspot.com
5 results
you are Indonesian because your ID and your passport say so," Swastika stated
sites.google.com
iakurniaweblog.blogspot.com
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sketsadamai.blogspot.com
5 results
They seem to have grown further away from the sense of being Indonesian that was still very much alive among
the previous generations
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iakurniaweblog.blogspot.com
307,000 results
For many of today's young people, being Indonesian means nothing more than a "geographical fact" -- because
they were born and raised in the country
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Unique
Nothing more, nothing less
-Unique
For them, Indonesia is nothing
-5 results
Indonesia is only a place where they were born and where they are living now
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Looking deeper, we discover that the problem with loss of Indonesian identity for young people
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has complex and deep roots
-485 results
Henk Schulte Nordholt describes Indonesian History as history without people
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(Nordholt 2004)
-1 result
Similar to the statement, Alfitra Salam had wrote, “Biarlah Nasionalisme Keindonesiaan Punah” (Lets Nationalism
Exterminated) at www
www2.shaftek.org
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id October 28 th , 2004
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traditional, and uncivilized
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Their knowledge and skills are due to foreign 'goodness' that came with colonization
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At the same time, Nordholt observes Indonesians live without history
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They do not live on
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the basis of their own historical experiences, but upon current information and trends
-Unique
From this viewpoint, we could take understanding that Indonesian people, especially their young generation, are
ready to be followers and consumers of global trend
-5 results
In this context global trends stands for all the facts,
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mental-facts, socio-facts and arti-facts, which derive from globel power
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In the sixties Sukarno called the global power that as Nekolim power: Neo colonialism and imperialism
-40,100 results
Neo-colofilhlisrn is defined, interestingly enough, by Kwame Nkrumah as
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the last stage of imperialism
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Furthermore, he explains: Neo-colonialisni is also the worst form of imperialism
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For those who practice it, it means power without responsibility and for those who suffer from it, it means
exploitation without redress
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In the days of old-fashioned colonialism, the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the actions it
was taking abroad
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In the colony those who served the ruling imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent
move by their opponents
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With neo-colonialisro neither is the case (Nkrumah, 1965)
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Sukarno saw that the impact of neo-colonialism was very dangerous for Indonesia
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2 Sukarno's anti neo-colonialism grew into an anti-Western project by the end of the 1950s
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In the mid 1960s direct confrontation came about between Indonesia and Western (British) colonial powers ovet the
question of Malaysia independence
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It ended only in 1966, when
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Sukarno was bloodily replaced by Suharto, who brough about a new atmosphere in relations between Indonesia and
the West
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At the end of the conference, 29 Afro- Asian states signed a 10-points Declaration on Promotion of World Peace and
Cooperation
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Western capitalism
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The decision brought Indonesia under Western dominance, or in Nkrumah's view, Indonesia fall into a neo~colonial
relationship
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The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the
outward trappings at international sovereignty
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In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside: The methods and form of this
direction can take various shapes
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For example, in an extreme case the troops of the imperial power may garrison the territory of the neo- colonial
state and control the government of it
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The neo-colonial state may be obliged to take the manlJ,facttired products of the imperialist power to the exclusion
of competing products from elsewhere
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lt is possible that neo-colonial controls may be exercised by a consortium of financial interests, which are not
specifically identifiable with any particular State
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The control of the Congo by great international financial concerns is a case in point (Nkrumah, 1965)
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One of cultural impacts of western domination had been the change of Indonesin life style irito a more materialistic
one
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The existence of human beings is no longer dependant upon their strong character; but up on how much they have
in property and other forms of wealth
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what you need, but you know the conditio sine qua non
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You know what ink you must use in signing yourself over to me
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I shall swindle you while providing your enjoyment
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in order later, to claim the remuneration for this labor of love
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the self-conscious and self acting commodity
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' This commodity man knows only one way of relating himself to the world outside, by having it and by consuining
(using) it
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The more alienated be is, the more the sense of having and using constitutes his relationship to the world
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In general, Indonesian society does not care about politics and state ideology per se
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Politicians, bureaucrats, and many state officials do not provide what the people need; they make personal
economic profits in order to get properties that they need
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Besides loosing indigenous identity of young generation, it is also possible that the Pancasila might be replaced by
Islamic values and norms
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In the last five years we could see 'anti sipilis' movement come on Indonesian political screen
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Through expressing their belief, the Islamic movements reject secularism, pluralism, and liberalism
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A Survey of the Center for Islamic and Society (PPIM) at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta shows
that most Islamic studies teachers oppose pluralism
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The movement is supported in particular by Islamic organizations that want to change Indonesia into an Islamic
state
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Furthermore, Jajat Burhanudin as a chief of PPIM said: I think they play a key role in promoting conservatism and
radicalism among Muslims nowadays
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The movement has deep root in Indonesian history
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Before the coming of European nations, Indonesia is dominated by Islamic kingdoms, such as Aceh in Sumatra
island, Banjar in Kalimantan, and Demak in Java
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The movement could be suppressed by Indonesian government through a short period of civil war, but the ideology
is still exist or never die
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When a wave of Islamic awakening comes in 1990s, the dream of Indonesia Islamic state once more taken up at
national level
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In the beginning 21 st century, Islamic organizations and movements growth rapidly and their influences in public
space are getting stronger
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One indicator of the Islamic movements’ strength is their struggle to implement Islamic laws which is called Perda
Sharia
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Through provincial and local
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representative bodies Islamic laws have been grafted on to regional regulations
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Robin Bush claims that up to 55% of regional regulations are related to religion law
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Furthermore he explains:
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These regulations vary widely from district to district
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For example, in Banjar, Kalimantan; Muslim civil servants are required to wear jilbab and baju koko on Fridays
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From national viewpoint, the Perda Sharia contradicts to National Constitution
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In paragraph 28, Constitution guarantees the equality of all citizens of all groups, as well as the guarantee of
human rights through various sections in the constitution
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Beside conflicting with national constitution, the local regulations also directly challenge unity in diversity motto of
Bhineka Tunggal Ika
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A LSI Survey shows that 61,4 percent of the Indonesian people are afraid that the perda syari'a will break the unity
of Indonesia (www
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Women's groups, as well as the NGOs that had brought the case to the Supreme Court for review, were
disappointed with this decision
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They believed that the Court could have taken up not just the procedural issues in the formation of the regulation,
but also its contents (Bush, 2008)
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The Wahid Institute notes that there have been ten blasphemy cases in the past two years
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The Blasphemy Article (1966) prohibits people from practicing and interpreting a belief which deviates from the
main rules and interpretation of a specific religion
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265 cases of violence against religions were reported January to December 2008, as increase from 135 cases in
2007
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In those cases, there was no clear position taken· by governmental authorities or the bureaucracy
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The government seems reluctant to see violence precipitated by religion intolerance as criminal
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It in action makes many people argue for increased governmental commitment by retaining the Pancasila as