Islam, the West and the Media:
A Discussion
By
Nunik Maharani Hartoyo, S.Sos., M.Comn&MediaSt.(Mon)
NIP.198101262005012001
A Paper
Presented to
The Department of Journalism Studies
Faculty of Communication Science
Universitas Padjadjaran
Islam, the West and the Media: A Discussion
Islam and the West
Following the September 11 attacks, the debate about Islam and Muslims generally
was politicised because of the media’s framing of the event that suggested a ‘clash of
civilisations’ between Islam and the West. The term ‘Islam’ that we are using today,
argues Said (1997, p. x), is not one simple thing. He asserts that ‘Islam’ is in fact a
mixture of fiction, ideological label, and religion. Muslims are indeed perceived by
Islam as one source of identity with a sense of loyalty that every so often is stronger
than their sense of nationalism (Saunders, 2008, p. 304). In the same way, Mandaville
(2001, p. 170) posits that the construction of group identity is essentially a
socio-political process in which continuous dialogue, negotiation, and deliberation on ‘who
we are’ and more importantly what it means to be ‘who we are’ are constantly
involved. Such attitude, as Saunders continues, is evidence that Muslims are
embracing Islam as their political identity.
Samuel Huntington (1996) propagates that for centuries the relationship between
Islam and the West has been problematic. He obviously equates the West with
Christianity by referring to the Crusades. He even argues that the twentieth century
conflict between communism and liberal democracy was actually superficial whilst
the actual conflict is the dysfunctional relationship between Islam and Christianity
(1996, p. 209).
Huntington then identifies at least five factors that help escalate the conflict between
Islam and the West. First, the Muslim population boom has resulted in greater
unemployment, growing numbers of recruits joining Islamic causes, growing pressure
on the society at large, and migration to the West. Second, the Islamic Resurgence has
encouraged Muslims’ confidence and self worth in their civilisation and values. Third,
the simultaneous effort to universalise Western values and institutions, to maintain
economic and military domination, and to intervene in conflicts within the Muslims’
sphere of interest has caused deep resentment. Fourth, with the collapse of
one another as a major new threat. Fifth, the increasing contact between the West and
Islam created an intense need to distinguish one identity from another which
exacerbated their differences. These five contributing factors, according to
Huntington, are responsible for the abrupt decline for tolerance in the 1980s and
1990s.
However, Amitai Etzioni (2005, p. 477) contends that Huntington’s work is basically
based on the politics of fear. Huntington, adds Etzioni, warns the West to deal with
the escalating threats from various sources (e.g. Mexican immigrants, Islamic
civilization, or democratic proclivities) that are waiting to undermine Western
civilization. To preserve Western civilization’s position of power and to keep it at its
peak, Huntington emphasises the need to take ‘strong national unity building
measures and the mobilisation of the people’ which include military actions to
respond to the enemy at the gates. Unsurprisingly, following the 9/11 attacks,
Huntington, along with 59 prominent academics in the U.S. signed a ten page petition
supporting the war on terrorism to defended ‘American values,’ ‘our way of life,’ and
‘the achievements of civilisation’ (Abrahamian, 2003, p. 533).
Many believe that Huntington’s warning of the threat of the Islamic civilisation
materialized in the 9/11 attacks. The assumed incompatibility between Islam and the
West has therefore been confirmed. As Said (as cited in Abrahamian, 2003, p. 534)
succinctly puts is, the ‘reductive and vulgar notion of a clash of civilizations had taken
over thought and action’.
Sayyid (as cited in Hodge, 2005, p. 167) proposes that Muslims continue to liberate
themselves from Western political and cultural imperialism. They make attempts and
efforts to distinguish themselves by voicing their own thoughts and fail to recognise
the supremacy and the universality of Western values. This, according to Sayyid, is
the reason why Islam has been depicted as the ‘radical other’ in the West.
The presupposed incompatibility between Islam and the West has created a clear
demarcation of ‘us’ and ‘them’. The bipolarising position between ‘us’ and ‘them’
poses ‘us’ against threats which endanger ‘our’ culture/nation (Le Pen as cited in
second religion in France, is opposed to any assimilation and threatens our own
identity, our Western Christian civilization’.
Such notions are not exclusive to France. Islam is deemed as unsuitable and
threatening to national cultures in Western countries such as Australia (Aly, 2007) and
the Netherlands (BBC News, 2008; Doppen, 2007). According to Poole (as cited in
Harb and Bessaiso, 2006, p. 1063) the same phenomenon also affected British
Muslims. Their endeavours to preserve their culture and rituals have been perceived
as a danger to British culture. In so doing, Muslims are often excluded from British
society.
The demarcation of ‘us’ and ‘them’ in the Bush Administration’s discourse is
essentially referring to the binary position of ‘good and evil’. Both sides, as Kellner
(2002, p. 145) suggests assumes ‘we’ as the good guys and the ‘other’ as the force of
darkness. This perception, according to Said (1995), is actually a legacy of
colonialism. Said argues,
[t]he Oriental is irrational, depraved (fallen), childlike, ‘different’; thus the European is rational, virtuous, mature, ‘normal’. […] Yet what gave the Oriental’s world its intelligibility and identity was not the result of his own efforts but rather the whole complex series of knowledge manipulation by which the Orient was identified by the West. […] Orientalism was ultimately a political vision of reality whose structure promoted the difference between the familiar (Europe, the West, ‘us’) and the strange (the Orient, the East, ‘them’). This vision in a sense created and then served the two worlds thus conceived. Orientals lived in their world; ‘we’ lived in ours. (Said, 1995, pp. 40-44)
After the collapse of communism and the end of the Cold War, Karim (as cited in
Yurdakul-Bodemann, 2004, p. 96) argues that Islam and Muslims in general fill the
role of the ‘Other’. He points out that Western media has created the new villain and
constructed Islam as the menace to Western civilisation which serves as the main
obstacle in achieving global peace.
The mainstream US media, according to Hodge (2005, p. 167) portrayed Islam mostly
as a religion of ignorance, oppression, fanaticism, violence and so forth. The practice
of wearing a headscarf or hijab by Muslim women, for example, is perceived as
oppression, enslavement, and the subordination of women by most Westerners. Hence
it is not surprising when the French government decided not to endorse such practices
however, the hijab promotes a sense of inner peace, serenity and, at the same time, a
political statement. It epitomises the rejection of various Western values which some
believe promote the view that women are sexual objects and symbolises the dignity
and respect of the women under the veil.
The different set of values upheld by both Islam and the West are often seen as
diametrically opposed to one another. Celermajer (2007) identifies several opposing
values such as freedom and fundamentalism, individualism and collectivism,
toleration and absolutism, enlightenment values and pre-modern primitivism.
Similarly, Modood (as cited in Ranasinha, 2007, pp. 48-49) points out that there is a
widespread assumption that religion is a dividing factor while secularism unites
people. In short, religious people are perceived as a problem in society while
secularists are not. It is worth noting that this is not always the case. Muslims, for
example, retain a certain sense of individuality while advocating collectivism and vice
versa. Figure 1 below helps to illustrate the different set of values between Islam and
the West as adapted from the work of Hodge (2005).
Islam Western Secular Liberalism
Community Individualism
Connectedness Separateness
Consensus Self-determination
Interdependence Independence
Community Actualization Self-actualization
Group achievement and success Personal achievement and success Community reliance Self-reliance
Respect for community rights Respect for individual rights
Self-control Self-expression
Sensitivity to group oppression Sensitivity to individual oppression Identity rooted in culture and God Identity rooted in sexuality and work Complementary gender roles Egalitarian gender roles
Pro-life Pro-choice
Sexuality expressed in marriage Sexuality expressed based on individual choice Implicit communication that safeguard other’s opinion Explicit communication that clearly expresses
individual opinion
Spirituality and morality derived from the shari’a Spirituality and morality individually constructed Spiritual/eternal orientation Material orientation
Figure 1. Values emphasized in each civilization
(Hodge, 2005, p. 169)
Islam and globalisation
Eisenstein (2002, p. 135) posits that the emergence of Islam as a prominent political
Eisenstein argues, it is connected to the process of globalisation. And with
globalisation we experience the ubiquity of technology.
The cyberspace, made possible by the advent technology offers a wide range of
possibilities. It replicates all traditional media such as print media, radio, television
and, motion pictures and at the same time provides access to the previous forms of
communications (Saunders, 2008, p. 312). Cyberspace then introduces itself as the
space for interaction and socialisation through bulletin boards, instant messaging,
blogs, social networking sites, and teleconference. Thus, it serves as the perfect
communication ground, ‘where irreverence, political incorrectness, and offensiveness
are the norm’ (Kornblum as cited in Frank, 2004, p. 654). This development in ICT is
also recognised by Muslims. ICT has proved to be crucial for Muslims around the
globe to help them create their own spheres of interest.
The omnipotence of the internet has withered local authority figures. Muslims today
can seek advice from their own fingertips with the internet providing vast quantities of
resources which Muslims can access. Over time, Muslims find themselves in a new
realm that allows them to seek the ‘authentic’ Islam and to find a new interpretation
about their belief (Mandaville, 2001, p. 177). For many Muslims, cyberspace
represents a new form of politics as a consequence of their experience with
globalisation (Anderson as cited in Saunders, 2008, p. 313).
However this is not always the case. The utopian space promised by the advancement
of ICT is yet to materialise. Sardar (as cited in Saunders, 2008, p. 313) suggests that
the existing power structure is inherent with the traditional media. This hierarchy also
seeks ways to dominate cyberspace. As a consequence, the internet at times serves as
the tool to reinforce the status quo.
In the words of Roy (as cited in Mandaville, 2001, p. 177), the ‘Islamist new
intellectuals’ have risen in contemporary society. In the same vein, Saunders (2008, p.
316) argues that a new Muslim elite has emerged ‘as a result of and in reaction to’
globalisation. They are literate, educated, and fluent in English, have access to the
internet, and are able to master the skills to create and present their message on-line.
available religious texts, all hyperlinked and cross referenced in one’s fingertips. As a
result, as Zaiaudin Sardar (as cited in Mandaville, 2001, p. 178) puts it,
instead of ploughing through bulky texts, that require a certain expertise to read, a plethora of databases on the Qur’an and hadith now open up these texts and make them accessible to average, non-expert users. Increasingly ulama are being confronted by non-professional theologians who can cite chapter and verse from the fundamental sources, undermining not just their arguments but also the very basis of authority.
Consequently, through the utilisation of ICT, the effective use of the media as well as
a thorough understanding on the potentials and limitations of globalisation by the elite
have influenced the Muslim world in dramatic fashion.
The Portrait of Islam in Global Media Post 9/11
The media is not a neutral force (Erjavec and Volcic, 2006, p. 304). It holds the power
to influence the attitudes, values, and beliefs of their audience, mainly through their
reinforcement. Such reinforcement has manifested itself in the process of production
and framing of their news (Richardson, 2001, p. 148). It is ‘the end product of a
complex process which begins with a systematic sorting and selecting of events and
topics according to socially constructed categories’ (Hall as cited in Bicket and Wall,
2007, p. 208).
News frames are important in every reporting because it reflects the process of
repeated selection and places emphasis in the representation of the perceived reality
(Papacharissi and Oliveira, 2008, p. 53). To frame, according to Entman (1993, p. 52),
‘is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in
communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition,
causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the
item described’ (emphasis in original). It focuses on the discussion content, decides
how such discussion will be delivered, and most importantly it determines what
should be left out of the discussion (Christensen, 2005, pp. 110-111). In short, news
Sibanda and Tembo (2002) writes that ‘[t]o many people, Islam and terrorism are
synonymous.’ The media, they argue, help establish the misconception that violence
is inherent in Islam and that Muslims are essentially terrorists. The U.S. media,
according to Abrahamian (2003, p. 531), portrayed 9/11 as a cultural conflict in which
Western civilisation was threatened by radical Islam. In their reports, they frequently
tried to categorise what defines a good Muslim or a bad Muslim. The U.S. media also
displayed some effort to distinguish the correct and the incorrect interpretation of
Islam, as well as the peaceful and violent understanding of the Qur’an.
Similarly, Kellner (2002) suggests that the U.S. media were keen to promote ‘war
fever’ and retaliation. They were supporting military acts to respond to the attack.
Television, as Kellner further points out, vented the most aggressive view to
propagate the need for immediate military action. Even the Cable News Network
(CNN), a respectable news organization, was also producing propagandistic
messages. Radio was circulating the same messages by optimising the
‘hyperdramatic, replete with music, patriotic gore, and wall-to-wall terror hysteria and
war propaganda’ (Kellner, 2002, p. 147). A research conducted by Sara J. Ahmed
(2007) reveals that after 9/11, the keyword Islam was most frequently used within the
violence context whilst the keyword Muslim was most often employed in a
‘reconciliatory and patriotic frame.’
In a country that put free speech as one of its most respected values, the U.S. media
demonstrated that there are certain exclusions. When Al-Jazeera taped Osama bin
Laden’s message on his primary cause, the White House advised the media not to
broadcast the ‘inflammatory message’ (Abrahamian, 2003, p. 536). The U.S. media
did as they were asked. They voluntarily exercised constraint and self-censorship in
support of the government (Graber as cited in Best et al., 2005, p. 60). This is part of a
wider U.S. media effort to frame the news in such a way to serve their goals.
Interestingly, a study on the U.S. news coverage after 9/11 by McDonald and
Lawrence (2004) shows that in reporting the event, broadcasters are employing a style
of reporting used in covering crimes. According to Gilliam and Iyengar (as cited in
McDonald and Lawrence, 2004, p. 337), the crime coverage on television puts
context of the crime. Hence McDonald argues, in the aftermath of 9/11 the audience
was able to learn a great deal regarding the detail of the ‘crime’ rather than having an
informed discussion as to the social and political context of terrorism. As a result of
this reporting style Americans were directed ‘to look for easy answers and [a] quick
resolution’ to terrorism.
Mainstream European media also represent Islam in an unfavourable way. Islam is
labelled as secluded, distrustful, and laden with economic underachievers. In the
Swedish media, for example, Muslim individuals are frequently held responsible for
terrorists’ actions. There are news articles that construct Muslims as fanatics that suit
the general stereotype (Nord and Stromback, 2006). However, as Nord and Stromback
later suggest, there is no ground whatsoever to claim that the Swedish media
portrayed Islam and Muslims in non-favourable way.
Muslims are depicted negatively by the mainstream British media. Muslims are most
likely to be represented as terrorists, extremists, fanatics, and as sexually aggressive
(Poole, 2006). It is a common practice in mainstream western media to associate
Islam with violence, backwardness, and inflexibility (Erjavec and Volcic, 2006, p.
302). The act of negative ‘othering’ in British public space, according to Richardson
(2001, p. 164), is predominantly driven by the fear that ‘their’ culture will weaken
British values.
In Australia, Muslims are depicted by mainstream media as religious fanatics who are
determined to create an anti-modernist society and eradicate liberal views as well as
secular governments (Brasted as cited in Aly, 2007, p. 29). The Australians, as Aly
points out, interpreted 9/11 as a moment to renew their commitment to democracy and
freedom, values that are closely affiliated with Western civilisation. Most Australians
perceived the attack not just as an assault against the U.S. but also to Western
civilisation in general of which Australia is part.
The media in Singapore, a city-state located between two Muslim countries, Malaysia
and Indonesia, a country in which almost 90 per cent of its population is Muslim,
depicted Islam and Muslims post 9/11 differently. The authoritarian system forces the
role in the process of nation building. The media hence acted as the mouthpiece of the
ruling party, People’s Action Party (PAP), and advised the Singaporeans to maintain
racial and religious harmony. Following 9/11, public discourse on moral judgments
and the value of others are the primary issues that the Singaporean media choose to
deliver in covering terrorism (Ambrosio de Nelson, 2008).
Several studies conclude that since 9/11 the way the U.S. media interpret events differ
greatly from non-Western media. Interestingly, U.S. media reporting also differs from
other Western nations’ media (Best et al., 2005, p. 56-57). Some studies reveal that
although news organisations in the U.S. and other Western countries at first
interpreted 9/11 analogously, the differences in style and perspectives employed
leading into different interpretations became more apparent over time. For example,
the media in the U.S. tend to emphasise patriotic interpretation whilst news
organisations in Germany address the importance of international cooperation in
fighting terrorism (Haes as cited in Papacharissi and Oliveira, 2008, p. 56).
The different images reported from the same reality, according to Pintak (2006)
results from the dichotomy of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Such dichotomy, as he contends, is the
origin of most of the violence in our society. Al-Jazeera, for example, is perceived by
the U.S. Government as a producer of news that is ‘imbalanced,’ ‘anti-American’ and
serves as a mouthpiece of bin Laden. American and British media itself is viewed as
‘imbalanced’ and ‘anti-Arab’ by many Arabs and Muslims (Harb and Bessaiso, 2006;
Best et al., 2005). In their concluding remark, Papacharissi and Oliveira suggest that
such differences are the result of different government policy, institutional tendencies
and the dominating journalism paradigm in each country.
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TABLE OF CONTENT
ISLAM AND THE WEST ...2
ISLAM AND GLOBALISATION ...5
THE PORTRAIT OF ISLAM IN GLOBAL MEDIA POST 9/11...7
