Allan Degen

PART III ASIA

A. Allan Degen

Introduction

There are more than 130 000 Bedouin in the Negev (over 86 000 in planned towns and the rest in spontaneous, non-recognized settlements) owning about 200 000 to 300 000 sheep. Many Bedouin families raise some livestock, mainly sheep, and about 1000 fami- lies, most from non-recognized settlements, derive their main source of livelihood from raising livestock. More than 75 per cent of registered flocks have between 50 and 250 head of sheep. Over the years Bedouin have shown marginal profits and even losses in raising sheep. Nevertheless household heads persist in raising sheep mainly for (1) main- tenance of Bedouin traditional lifestyle; (2) a claim to the land; (3) some income, includ- ing household dairy products and meat; and (4) a means to hold their money. Bedouin appear to be integrating into the Israel urban economy while maintaining many of their cultural traditions. Nonetheless a small number of households will continue to practice agropastoralism.

The word ‘Bedouin’ is derived from the Arabic word badawi, man of the desert.

Bedouin are envisioned as nomadic inhabitants of the desert, living in tents and depend- ing solely on raising sheep, goats and camels for their livelihood. In the past, they were known for their bravery and warring ways and claimed land by ‘force’. The nomads con- sidered themselves as ‘true-noble’ or real Bedouin in contrast to those who were semi- sedentary and who practised both arable agriculture and livestock husbandry for their livelihood.

Approximately 1000 Bedouin families, or less than 10 per cent of the Bedouin popula- tion in the Negev, depend on raising small ruminants (mainly sheep) as their main source of livelihood. Flock movement to available grazing areas is strictly enforced by govern- ment regulations and the grazing lands allotted to them are insufficient to meet year- round flock maintenance.

In the late 1980s, many kibbutzimand moshavimabandoned sheep raising because of rising input costs and falling sheep prices; however Bedouin maintained their flocks.

Surprisingly there are indications that they may even have increased their holdings. This has occurred in spite of marginal profits or even losses by Bedouin flock owners.

Consequently Bedouin raising flocks today are perceived both by government authorities and by the general public as living on both the economic and geographic margins of the Negev. This chapter examines (1) how Bedouin are able to support their households by raising sheep in a changing physical, economic and sociopolitical environment not con- ducive to this enterprise; and (2) why this enterprise is being continued by the Bedouin.

To answer these questions, I have been gathering data on livestock production and employment among Negev Bedouin from non-recognized localities (Degen, Benjamin and Hoorweg, 2000; Degen, Nunow, Zaal, Otieno and Hoorweg, 2001; Stavi, Kressel,

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Gutterman and Degen, 2006) and recognized localities (Degen, 2003) since 1990. Most information was gathered by structured interviews, personal observations and discussions with people dealing with Bedouin and from relevant literature.

Intensive surveys were done among six Bedouin families in spontaneous hamlets from 1994 to 1997 and among 24 families from 2002 to 2003. The selection criteria for house- holds in the studies were (1) that the head of the household raised sheep, and (2) that the household was in a spontaneous settlement (hamlet). The households consisted of a husband (except in one case in the second study in which the husband was deceased), one to four wives and up to 21 children. Married sons lived close to their parents but their families lived as separate units and they managed their finances separately. Non-married children lived with their biological mother and were her responsibility. These children were considered part of the parental household involved in the management of the sheep and dependent on the income from them. In the first study, the six families were visited by the author usually at least once a week over the two years that data were collected. In the second study, the 24 families were visited by the author and a student once or twice monthly over the study period. Visits were made either to the hamlet or to the grazing area, depending on where the sheep were being kept.

Initially a questionnaire was used to record the family size (wives, children), status of each member (married/non-married, employment), number of livestock (sheep, goats, camels, cows, poultry, donkeys, horses), who worked with the livestock (family member, hired shepherd), material possessions (pick-up truck, tractors) and whether there was access to land and size of land for sowing and/or grazing. Once this was established, all management practices and transactions related to sheep production were recorded.

Among management practices, the breeding programme, feeding regime, milking and milk products produced, shearing and wool production and method of watering animals were noted. The changes in sheep numbers and the reasons given for these changes (births, deaths, sales, gifts – given and received) and costs related to sheep production (veterinary costs, land rental, grain and fodder purchases, tractor and fuel costs, sowing expenses, water costs, shepherd wages) were recorded.

Financial transactions involving sale of sheep and feed purchases were more difficult to verify. The method employed was to ask the respondent at the time of sale and/or pur- chase and to question other household heads and traders with whom the investigator had established relationships during the study. A figure shown to be fairly accurate was used as the mean selling price. In general, the information given by the household heads was found to be accurate.

The Negev Desert

Situated in the south of Israel, the Negev (south or dry land in Hebrew) is part of the Sahara-Arabian desert belt, and has an area of 12 500 km². It is triangular shaped, lying between 29°29´ and 31°33´ north and 34°23´ and 35°24´ east, with its triangular point at Eilat. It is bordered in the west by the Mediterranean Sea, to the east by the Judean desert and the Arava rift valley, to the north by the 400mm isohyet and to the south by the Sinai desert (Boyazoglu and Flamant, 1990). The Negev can be divided into two main climatic regions according to annual rainfall: a northwestern region where rainfall decreases from 400mm in the north to 200mm in the south (at Beer Sheva) and a southeastern region where rainfall decreases from 200mm in the north to 40mm in the south (at Eilat). In both

regions there is considerable variability (coefficient of variation 30–40 per cent) in both rainfall distribution and quantity among years. The northwestern and southeastern Negev are considered semi-arid and arid Mediterranean climate zones, respectively.

Relatively flat plains with deep loess soils characterize the northwestern region while the southeastern region is mainly a hilly desert steppe (Noy-Meir and Seligman, 1979).

Rain occurs in winter from late October to late April, with most of the rain falling from December to February. Mean seasonal air temperatures are 5.4°C to 18.5°C (minimum and maximum) in the winter and 15.8°C to 33.9°C in the summer. However frost can occur in winter and air temperatures can reach 45°C in summer, especially in the south- ern Negev. In general, there is a decrease in rainfall and an increase in air temperature from northwest to southeast. Furthermore there is a maritime effect from the Mediterranean Sea in most of the northwest which results in higher humidity and more dew than in the southeast (Noy-Meir and Seligman, 1979; Stern, Gradus, Meir, Krakover and Tsoar, 1986). Areas north and west of Beer Sheva were and are sown under rain-fed conditions to winter small grain crops and, to a lesser extent, spring and early summer crops such as sorghum, melons and sunflower. In contrast, land to the south and east of Beer Sheva is mostly non-cultivable and is limited almost exclusively to grazing.

Background of Negev Bedouin

There is evidence that nomadic pastoralism in the Negev dates back to the beginning of the Neolithic period (Sauer, 1966). The first Bedouin type tribes are thought to have infil- trated the region in the seventh century with the explosive rise of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula. Thereafter movement of people from the east and the south constantly rein- forced the nomadic population of the Negev (Shmueli, 1980). Bedouin numbers increased considerably during the Ottoman (Turkish) rule of the region (1517–1917) as a result of infiltration both of nomadic peoples and of peasant farmers (fellahim) from Egypt who farmed the lands bordering the desert, mainly along the Gaza strip. The fellahim‘leased’

lands from the Bedouin and received protection from them and the Bedouin, in turn, received a percentage of the produce harvested by the fellahim. In addition, during this period Bedouin brought Negro slaves (abid) from Sudan to work for them.

Traditionally Negev Bedouin depended on nomadic pastoralism for their lifestyle and livelihood. Sheep, goats and camels provided them with milk and milk products, wool and hair for weaving carpets and tents, and animals for traditional slaughter. However, because of their nomadic ways, there began the struggle and interaction between the

‘grazed’ and the ‘sown’ or between pastoralists and farmers that has marked the history of the region up to and including modern times. Moreover being in a region where rain- fall for agriculture is marginal and unpredictable, the separation between the two systems has never been clear and local populations tended to move between a sedentary lifestyle and nomadism (Perevolotsky and Finklestein, 1980).

The Bedouin tribes, which were affiliated into tribal confederations, were territorial and led by sheikhs. The then ruling Ottoman authorities recognized the sheikhs as official rep- resentatives and held them responsible for the actions of their tribes. Warfare, often due to boundary disputes, was common among the tribes and was often suppressed by drastic means by the Ottoman government (Marx, 1967; 1974). To stabilize tribal boundaries, the Ottomans established an administrative centre in Beer Sheva (the first settlement to be established in the Negev from the Nabatean and Byzantine period of settlements that

ended in the sixth century) in about 1900. Boundaries among the Bedouin tribes were fixed and remained unchanged until 1949. The Ottoman authorities attempted to register land-tenure rights but had little cooperation from the reluctant Bedouin. As a result, most of the land was not registered as the property of an individual or tribe, but as mowat (Arabic for ‘dead land’); that is, land belonging to the state (Perevolotsky and Landau, 1988; Kressel, Ben-David and Abu Rabia, 1991). Land use rights of tribes were settled by authorities on the basis of occupancy and not of ownership.

The Ottoman Empire was conquered near the end of the First World War by the British who were granted a mandate to rule Palestine, a country whose borders were defined by the League of Nations. During the British rule from 1917 to 1947, they interfered little in the affairs of the Negev Bedouin and kept the boundaries established by the Ottoman authorities. In general, they maintained and strengthened the Ottoman land policies, and this was to have an important and decisive influence on the future land rights of the Bedouin and their livelihood.

By the end of the British mandate in 1948, there were approximately 55 000 to 65 000 Bedouin in the Negev which were composed of true-noble Bedouin,fellahimand abid, and were divided into 95 tribes. These tribes were combined into eight ‘Confederations’

which were mainly larger territorial divisions whose contiguity was expressed in terms of common descent and/or political alliance (see Table 10.1; from Marx, 1967).

At this time, sheep raising practices among the Bedouin ranged from semi-nomadic transhumance to agropastoralism, and the beginning of a sedentary lifestyle was evident (Meir, 1988; Ginguld, Perevolotsky and Ungar, 1997).

State of Israel

The position of the Negev Bedouin changed profoundly with the establishment of the state of Israel and the war with Egypt (and other bordering Arab states) which followed.

During the war, Bedouin were trapped between the opposing Israeli and Egyptian armies and, owing to uncertainty, most did not form any alliances with either country. With the conquest of the Negev by Israel in 1948, and imposition of military rule, most Bedouin Table 10.1 Bedouin confederations, tribes and individuals prior to 1948^a

Confederation No. tribes No. individuals Area

Tarabin 25 21 000 Western Beersheba Plain

Tiaha 28 18 000 Central and Eastern Beersheba

Plain

Azazmah 12 12 000 Central Negev

Hanagrah 4 7000 South of Gaza

Gubarat 14 5000 North of Gaza

Sa’idin 6 1000 South of Dead Sea

Ahewat 3 1000 Near Gulf of Eilat

Gahalin 3 750 Hebron Mountains

Total 95 65 750

Notes: ^a All values are maximum estimates (Shimoni, 1947). Official censuses of the Negev Bedouin were taken in 1931 and 1946, with either inconclusive or partial results.

fled the region to Egypt (Sinai and Gaza) and Jordan (mainly what is now called the ‘occu- pied territories’ and/or the Palestinian West Bank). Some Bedouin filtered back, while some were moved about or expelled by the military authorities for a variety of reasons.

Tribes reformed around their former sheikhs or around men who wielded influence with Israeli authorities.

In 1954, about 11 000 Bedouin remained in the Negev according to a census taken that year and formed around 19 men whom the Israeli Military Administration recognized as sheikhs (Israeli Army, 1954). Every registered Bedouin in the census was issued with an identity card that included his tribal affiliation, which served to establish his legal place of domicile (his address was that of his tribal sheikh). All Bedouin were placed under mili- tary administration and most of them, with few exceptions (e.g., Huzail and Abu Rbeah tribes), were translocated from former tribal areas to live in a closed area in the north- eastern part of the Negev (between 31°05´ and 31°25´ north and 34°45´ and 35°05´ east) called the siag. This area of 1100 km²was only about 10 per cent of that formerly occu- pied by the Bedouin. Movement of the Bedouin was restricted and permits were needed to leave the siag. This imposed sedentary lifestyle virtually ended the nomadic and semi- nomadic lifestyle of the Bedouin.

By 1960, the Bedouin population had increased to about 16 000. Over 90 per cent were of the Tiaha confederation while only a few hundred Azazmah and fewer Tarabin remained. The only ‘tribal group’ that remained relatively intact was the Zullam. The Military Administration estimated that the Bedouin cultivated up to 400 km²of the siag, sowing mainly barley. The rest of the area provided limited grazing possibilities for live- stock (Israel Bureau of Statistics, 1964).

The Military Administration controlled the land and, because legally it was considered as non-cultivable, it belonged to the state according to the Ottoman land laws of 1858, which were maintained and enforced by the British Mandate. There were Bedouin claims to ownership of part of the siagbecause of long uninterrupted occupancy. However their only documentary proof was that some of them had paid land tax and received official receipts during the British Mandatory period. Unfortunately, the receipts showed neither the location nor actual land area as Bedouin regularly understated the size for reasons of tax evasion. Except for the tribes that remained on their land that they occupied prior to 1948, the Military Administration and newly formed Land Authority, by negotiating with tribal sheikhs, allocated state lands within the siagto families from translocated and land- less tribes.

Land and settlement policy

By 1955, most of the state land in the siaghad been leased to the tribesmen through their sheikhs. At this time, the Military Administration estimated that Bedouin owned 60 000 animals, mainly small ruminants and some camels. No attempt was made by the admin- istration to regulate the size of the flocks and, because meat was in demand and prices were relatively high in Israeli markets, the Bedouin increased their flocks by every means possible, even bringing in animals from Jordan. The number of animals was too large to be maintained exclusively in the siagand, consequently, the Military Administration per- mitted Bedouin to use spring pastures east of the reservation. The rest of the Negev at that time was sparsely settled so that, when the available pastures had been exhausted, usually by June, the siag was expanded westwards to increase pasture availability.

However the Negev became settled at an increasing rate and the pasture areas available for grazing decreased drastically, which led to conflicts and even clashes between settlers and Bedouin. This development resulted in further restrictions imposed on the Bedouin by the Military Administration and permits for grazing outside the siagbecame more difficult to obtain.

Sheikhs owned the largest flocks and were given preferential permits to graze pastures west and north of Beer Sheva. Other Bedouin had to find summer grazing, unaided by the authorities, by making agreements with agricultural settlements for using winter crop after- math. The Military Administration had to approve these agreements and issued permits to these Bedouin, which allowed them to take their flocks to the northern and western limits of the Negev. The gradual easing of the restrictions on flock movement and employment outside the siagcontinued up to the end of the Military Administration in 1966.

From 1948, a development towards ‘spontaneous’ settlements or hamlets started throughout the siag. These hamlets were based on tribal and family affiliation, the number of which increased with the sharply increasing Bedouin population. They emerged as dis- persed settlements without services such as electricity, water, sewage disposal, schools and roads, and without clear communal structure. The spontaneous hamlets led to many land use conflicts between the government and the Bedouin. To stake their ownership claims to land they occupied, the Bedouin started the illegal construction of houses, many of which have been destroyed by the authorities but, nonetheless, are continuing to be built today. In response to these events, the Israeli government initiated a policy of planned set- tlement in the early 1960s. Starting in 1966, Bedouin were relocated to towns in the siag to solve, on the one hand, the land conflict problems and, on the other hand, to integrate the Bedouin in the national civilian and economic systems by providing them with regular public services (Shmueli, 1980; Abu-Saad, 1996).

Bedouin with no claims to land ownership became eligible for settlement in the munic- ipalities by purchasing rights to building lots from the Government Land Authority.

Bedouin with claims to land ownership negotiated rights to building lots by voluntarily giving up their claims. By 1983, four towns had been established and, to date, seven are in different states of development (Table 10.2). These urban centres were strategically placed Table 10.2 Population of Bedouin in recognized localities, 2002

Locality Population

Municipality

Rahat 34 100

Local councils

Hura 7600

Laqia 6100

Kseifa 7900

Arara BaNegev 10 500

Segev Shalom 5300

Tel Sheva 11 200

Total 82 700

Source: Statistical Yearbook of the Negev Bedouin(2004).

amongst the hamlets in the siagand are recognized by the authorities; the spontaneous hamlets are non-recognized localities. Rahat is the largest of the urban centres and was registered as a municipality in 1994; the other six are considered as local councils.

Initially it was planned to allow each Bedouin freedom of choice of his housing unit with regard to his previous territorial and pastoral livelihood. In addition, many Bedouin constructed huts for cooking and enclosures for maintaining livestock near their houses.

However, the huts, enclosures and livestock were officially banned by the municipalities and this ordinance was enforced by the authorities by refusing electricity link-up to the houses in such cases. Still the Bedouin found ways to circumvent the ban after the elec- tricity linkage had been made.

Social characteristics of Bedouin life Demographic processes

According to Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics, in 2002, there were 128 600 Bedouin residing in the sub-district of Beer Sheva, which comprised 24.6 per cent of the sub- district’s total population. Of this number, 82 700 (or 64.3 per cent) lived in the seven rec- ognized localities and 45 900 (35.7 per cent) in non-recognized localities. However the actual number of Bedouin in the Negev has been difficult to obtain, as many Bedouin provide the name of their tribe as their address instead of their settlement and, appar- ently, many Bedouin from non-recognized localities are not enumerated. Furthermore some Bedouin in non-recognized localities also possess homes in recognized localities and are counted twice. Apart from the Central Bureau of Statistics, additional Bedouin population sources include the Ministry of Interior and the Regional Council for Unrecognized Bedouin Villages in the Negev (RCUV), an organization that has not been recognized by the Ministry of Interior as a regional council. The RCUV’s definition of the term ‘settlement’ (village) is ‘50 dwelling’ units or ‘40 adults’. According to these def- initions, there are 46 non-recognized settlements in the Negev.

The Ministry of Interior enumerates the Bedouin who live in non-recognized localities by tribe (25 tribes are listed), namely according to where they belong socially. According to records of this Ministry, there were 55 305 Bedouin in non-recognized localities in 2002.

If it is assumed that there were 82 700 Bedouin in recognized localities, then there were 138 005 Bedouin in total, of which 59.9 per cent were from recognized localities and 40.1 per cent from non-recognized localities. The RCUV enumerates Bedouin according to their place of residence, namely according to where they belong geographically. The RCUV bases its data on estimations by the residents themselves and claims that there were 76 364 residents in 2002. Again, if it is assumed there were 82 700 Bedouin in recognized localities, then there were 159 064 Bedouin in total, of which 52.0 per cent were from rec- ognized and 48.0 per cent from non-recognized localities. For the 46 non-recognized local- ities, according to the RCUV, the mean number of individuals per settlement was 1660, with a range of 500 to 3859.

Immediate family

In the past, as in other pastoralist nomadic societies, young Bedouin children of both sexes participated in all pastoral, farming and domestic activities. Today, the traditional role of children as an integral part of the family’s labour is changing thanks to com- pulsory school attendance six days a week. Initially, only boys attended school but, with