The last score years of Wesley's life — Leeds Conference of 1772 — Accepts a chaise for his travels — Attacks the principle that the people are "the source of power — Finds irregularities in his book business, the germ of "Book Concerns" — The Conference of 1774; "concord " by acquiescence in his will — His change of opinion as to the colonies in America — Dr. Coke comes upon the scene; divergent estimates of his biographers; pen-portrait; dominating passion, ambition
— City Road chapel — Wesley bends to appointments to save a break with the societies — McNab and the Bath trouble — The ordination question culminates and Charles Wesley retires — Whitehead aspersed — Birstal property question.
1771-91. A score of years to Wesley's earthly end. He was rounding out his sixty-ninth year. In 1772 he read a pamphlet on the slave-trade by Anthony Benezet, a French Protestant, who, after an education in England, became a Quaker in Philadelphia, Penn., U.S.A., and he was so impressed by it that he concentrated his protest in the words, "that execrable sum of all villanies, commonly called the slave-trade," a declaration which is often misquoted and sometimes misapplied. Spending most of the winter, as was his habit, in London, he made an annual tour among the societies. His friends saw that his amazing physical energy began to fail, and by subscription secured him a carriage and horses, which he relayed at periods, and which enabled him not only to keep up his practice of reading while traveling, but of writing as well, to which he inured himself. His northern tour of this year covered seven months' absence from London. He reached Leeds in time for the annual Conference, August 4, being the twenty-ninth. The gain of members was 1646. Wesley preached a sermon to an immense congregation, in a field back of the chapel, on the rise and growth of Methodism. Taking up his travels again at Bristol, Tyerman writes, "He visited the whole society from house to house, taking them from west to east." He was indeed a father among his children. He traveled and preached and wrote incessantly this year, suffering most of the time acutely with a hydrocele; once, his chaise breaking down, he took to horseback and rode to an appointment twenty-two miles. Nothing could balk him.
His publications this year were numerous, and among them two political tracts, — "Thoughts upon Liberty" and "Thoughts upon the Origin of Power." In the latter he combats the theory that the people of a nation are "the origin of power." In this it is seen how he scouted the democratic doctrine of the New Testament, the sovereignty of the churches, and it accounts for his method of paternal control of the societies, as has been shown; the pyramid standing upon its apex. He attacks the origin of power in the people with taunts and withering sarcasm; these, perhaps, in lieu of argument; for the only one he offers is the illogical one, that the theory cannot be sound and its practice possible unless carried to its logical ultimate, and every man, woman, and child be made a voter for constituting parliamentary and governmental cabinets. Today, in England, his tract would be[1]
estimated a rank heresy by suffrage-exercising Englishmen, while in America, the people are the very foundation of the Republic. But Wesley was neither the first nor the last to demonstrate the unwisdom of political preachers, for he blundered in every instance: his Address to the King during
the Pretender excitement in the realm, these tracts, and his subsequent "Calm Address to the American Colonies," which he appropriated from Dr. Johnson's diatribe, and when detected, frankly admitted, and was condoned by Johnson, who quizzically approved the enlarged circulation it gave his philippie.
The thirtieth Conference was held in London, August 3, 1773. Scant notice is taken of these Conferences by most of the historians. Tyerman is far more satisfactory, because he had access to materials not obtainable until his later day. In this way he furnishes opportunity for reflection upon Wesley's monopolization of the printing and publishing business, as well as "the care of all the churches," which Paul found his sufficient burden. Not often does a clergyman carry a business head upon his shoulders, and Methodism is about the only Protestant organization in either hemisphere which relegates temporalities as well as everything else to its ministry. During this year Wesley found that there must be something wrong with his book business. An account of stock was taken, and the inventory rendered showed that he was in debt to printers and binders 500, and yet had books on hand whose gross value was near 11,000. Some took up the suspicion that his wife by means of false keys had obtained access to the book steward's cash and helped herself, but there was no conclusive proof. His book steward, Samuel Franks, a man of great probity, failing to unravel the mystery, fell into insanity and hanged himself. The discrepancy remained unsolved; the possessor of a large amount of property, Wesley was yet seriously in debt. The precedent thus established and entailed upon the Legal Hundred was the paternal origin of future "Book Concerns" in England and America, and one of the boastings of the parent bodies. In the sequel of this History it will be shown a grave error of economic judgment and of calamitous denominational strife.
On the 9th of August, 1774, the thirty-first Conference was held at Bristol. The membership reported was 35,612, showing a gain this year of 2340. Among the names received at this Conference were James Rodgers and Samuel Bradford, both eminent in after years, the latter esteemed as "the Demosthenes of Methodism." Dr. Adam Clarke, speaking of his eloquence, says, "I have never heard his equal," — and he had heard Whitefield. The former, a successful preacher, the husband of the saintly Hester Ann Rodgers, he suffered much from persecutions, attended Wesley in his last journey, and was at his bedside when he departed.
Wesley was averse to having his portrait taken, more because of the sittings required and loss of time, as he esteemed it, than any other reason. But two or three pictures of him were taken, of which Tyerman gives excellent copies. This year he was prevailed on to allow a cast of his face to be taken.
The Conference of 1774 was largely occupied with temporal matters. A Miss March, writing of it August 23, says among other things, "The preachers said there was much concord among them, and one of them observed Mr. Wesley seemed to do all the business himself." The method of the[2]
Conferences was for Wesley to ask questions and solicit opinions in answer, but there were no votes taken; Wesley decided, and that ended it; and this method was perpetuated after his demise and came over into American Methodism. No doubt it expedited business, but what of its reflex influence?
They sat with closed doors, the people were excluded; and as for the preachers under such a training, all individuality was lost; they gave up everything to the presiding genius; happily their veneration for and confidence in him were such, and he proved himself so worthy of both, that as a rule
"concord" reigned. As was inevitable, however, under the system cliques formed under the
leadership of the most self-asserting of the preachers as his death was foreshadowed, and the question who should be greatest distracted the Wesleyan Conference for years afterward. Wesley kept on writing and publishing extensively during this year.
1775 saw the English crown and the American colonies in conflict. The revolt was raised in the latter against the principle of taxation without representation. This was the occasion of Wesley's
"Calm Address to the American Colonies," which was a pure abridgment of Dr. Johnson's "Taxation no Tyranny," yet Wesley signed it "By the Rev. John Wesley, M.A." Prior to reading Johnson his sympathies were with the colonies, and five years before, in the incipiency of the Revolution, he published a pamphlet to this end. He was bitterly attacked for his change of views. Tyerman naively suggests: "Wesley had a perfect right to change his opinions but when a man like Wesley does that, he can hardly expect to escape unfriendly criticism. The world dislikes changelings and hesitates to trust them." A wider application of this truth will be made in the body of this History. Fletcher and[3]
Olivers came to his defense against a host of pamphleteers who lampooned and maligned him. But he needed no defense as to his motives, whatever might be said of his judgment in the matter. In June of this year Wesley had a violent illness of fever, and for three days his life was despaired of; indeed, the rumor obtained that he had died, but he marvelously recovered and lived for fifteen years longer.
The thirty-second Conference was held at Leeds, August 1, 1775, and was largely attended, and rigid inquiry was made into the qualifications of the preachers. [4]
The membership had increased 2533. Daniel McAllum was in the plan of appointments. He labored mostly in Scotland and continued in the field for near sixty years. He merits this passing mention. Also John Valton, a great revivalist and a man of mark for near twenty years.
The thirty-third Conference was held in London, August 6, 1776. The total membership was 39,826, including the American societies at the census of the previous year. Fletcher's health failed, and Wesley invited him to travel with him, which he did for some time, and lived nine years longer.
He spent three years in Switzerland, and on returning to England married Miss Bosanquet, memorable name in Methodism, and he died August 14, 1785. But as Fletcher had failed him it is a coincidence at least that in the same year he formed the acquaintance of Thomas Coke, than whom no man, Fletcher excepted, had such an influence over him for the remainder of his life. Wesley was now seventy-three years old. Coke was a young man of twenty-nine. No character in Methodism is so difficult to mensurate, and none as to whom there is so wide a divergence of opinion as to his merits and demerits, which were so striking that admission of his faults and frailties is about the only point upon which his critics agree and the one salient and redeeming feature of his eventful life, — the missionary of Methodism by eminence for the whole world.
The key to this divergence of opinion is not hard to find. Impartial biography seems an impossibility, as human nature is constituted. This declaration is made because of the fact that there lies before the writer Whitehead's "Life of the Wesleys," in which Dr. Coke is painted by a man whose opportunities for correct estimate are unsurpassed, except by Samuel Drew, Coke's literary executor, whose biography of Coke is also before me. Whitehead's work betrays a coloring biased by his party affiliations among the cliques into which the Conference divided, after Wesley's demise.
It was the party of the people and of liberal administration. Wesley's Journal reflected his view of Coke as influenced by consecrated motives, while condoning his ambition and the indirections he
resorted to in order to satisfy it. Watson's "Life," through deficiency of information in part, is the apologist of Coke. Moore's "Life of Wesley" is severely partisan, as a leader of the Coke clique in the Wesleyan Conference, and bitterly prejudiced against Whitehead and his views. Bangs' and Stevens' Histories are under the constraint of preconceived theories and conferential prejudices, and, as such, see Coke in the most favorable light only. Lastly, Tyerman's "Life," the most exhaustive, impartial, and latest of the group, is honest and fair-minded. A strong Conference man, he yet tells all he knows of both Wesley and Coke. The telling excluded his work from republication by the Methodist Episcopal Book Concern, though ever ready to furnish a market for Methodist literature[5]
of transatlantic origin. The reprint is by the Harper Brothers, New York, 1872, and even this independent firm did not venture to issue it without, for business policy, adding an Appendix:
Stevens' defense of Wesley's ordination of Dr. Coke and of his participation in the organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church, which differs so widely from Tyerman's account, and, as the writer believes, the truth of history.
A prayerful determination to avoid, if possible, extremes, and to strike the golden mean of this bewildering maze of facts and opinions, shall control the writer, as Thomas Coke will hereafter be brought so frequently under review in these pages. Suffice it at present for his introduction, to say that he was born at Brecon, Wales, September 9, 1747. His father was an eminent and wealthy surgeon, and Thomas was an only child. He was frivolous in his youth, and inclined to infidelity. At sixteen he was removed to Oxford, and entered at Jesus College in that University. Through reading Sherlock he was made a nominal Christian. At the age of twenty-one he was chosen councilman for Brecon, and soon after elected chief magistrate. As his full intention was to enter holy orders, his secular offices secured him flattering prospects of rapid advancement in the National Church. The prebend of the cathedral at Worcester was his objective. "Deluded with the prospects of sudden elevation in the Church, the visionary phantom continued to dance before him till his serious impressions began to fade . . . he hastened to obtain episcopal orders that no impediment might obstruct his course or intercept the bounty of his friends. Several years had now elapsed since the first intimations had been given him that brought on the ambitious delirium with which he was still enslaved." These are the words of Drew, his biographer, and furnish a key to the weak side of his[6]
character. It was the one frailty of his nature, and was the hidden human spring to the activities of a marvelously consecrated life. He took out his degree of Doctor of Civil Laws on the 17th of June, 1775. "His understanding, though naturally good, was not to be ranked among the higher orders of human intellect. It was comprehensive, but not profound, and was better calculated to produce respect than to excite amusement." "Dr. Coke was low in stature, and as he advanced in age was inclined to corpulency; but he was finely proportioned, and exhibited a pleasing figure. His skin was remarkably fair; his eyes were dark, lively, and piercing . . . His face was particularly handsome. A peculiar freshness, through every stage of life, distinguished his countenance, which was generally animated with an engaging smile; his voice was soft, engaging, and melodious . . . to his enthusiastic admirers he seemed to want nothing but wings to become an angel." Disappointment of his[7]
aspirations led him to a more serious frame of mind, and, on hearing Thomas Maxwell, already mentioned in these pages, preach, he was aroused to his spiritual need, and this and other instrumentalities finally led him to an experience of saving grace. He had accepted the curacy of South Petherton, and now began to preach a zealous Arminian doctrine, receiving therefor the admonition of the Bishop of Bath; he was dismissed by his rector, and threatened by the mob. Finally he was driven out of Petherton, the bells were rung, and cider distributed for free drinks over their
deliverance from a "Methodist curate." Wesley met him while in Somersetshire, and thus writes:
"Here I found Dr. Coke, who came twenty miles on purpose to meet me. I had much conversation with him, and a union began then which I trust shall never end." [8]
The thirty-fourth Conference met at Bristol, August 5, 1777. Fletcher was there, stimulating by his saintly presence, and Coke was also there, having cast in his lot with Wesley, but his name does not appear in the minutes until the following year, when he was assigned to London. The historians are in a great muddle over this interval and the reasons for it. It was conjectured that Wesley wanted to keep his eye upon him as a convert, that he might not promote him rashly. Others indignantly deny it. He traveled part of the time with Wesley and devoted himself to a thorough acquaintance with the discipline of the United Societies. He threw the whole force of his impetuous nature into whatever enterprise he undertook. An informal session of Conference was held in Ireland early in 1778 in order to suppress a strong tendency to separation from the National Church because of maltreatment of the Irish Methodists, but Wesley stood firm against it, and the uprising was quelled.
The thirty-fifth Conference was held August 4, 1778, at Leeds. Sixty circuits were reported, and an aggregate membership of 47,057, including 6968 in America. The salient events of the year were the dedication of the new chapel in City Road as a substitute for the old Foundry, which had been used for thirty-five years. It cost about 6000 and contributions were received from the Methodists of the United Kingdom to pay for it. It was a fine edifice for that day and is still the focal point of London Methodism. It was proposed to make it so respectable as well, that the Lord Mayor might attend and other dignitaries. To this end it was suggested that the pulpit should have an exclusive supply; the two Wesleys, Coke, and John Richardson were the sabbatic preachers to the tabooing of the lay-preachers, however eminent and eloquent, as Pawson, Jaco, Rankin, Tennent, Olivers, and others. Charles Wesley was persistent as a high churchman; but after much contention the lay-preachers prevailed; and this, Whitehead declares, was the beginning of a decadence of John Wesley's absolute authority over the preachers. Watson thinks it only modified its exercise, as Wesley was politic enough to bend, if he could do it without seeming to break. It was intimated that at this time there was a combination of preachers against Wesley's authority, but they made Charles and his churchism the foil, and, if so, it lends probability to Whitehead's assertion. Wesley was now seventy-five years old, and innovations began to creep into his methods; besides, he was violently attacked again by pamphleteers in the grossest manner. At this Conference of 1778 others than preachers were allowed to be present, among them Thomas Thompson, Esq., afterward member of Parliament. The foreign missionary field for Methodism enlarged. A mission to Africa was discussed, but deferred, while the work in Antigua, West Indies, under Mr. Gilbert, was prospering.
Laymen of some of the prominent societies expressed a choice of preachers as a supply, and often won their point. In March of this year Wesley wrote while at Bristol, "This year I myself (which I have seldom done) chose the preachers for Bristol." He came into intimate relations with Mr.
Creighton of the National Church, of whom future mention will be made in the so-called
"ordination" of Dr. Coke. Wesley projected the Arminian Magazine this year, which has continued to be published without interruption to this day, making it the oldest religious magazine in the world.
The thirty-sixth Conference was held in London, August 3, 1779. One hundred and sixty-seven preachers received appointments. Henry Moore was admitted, a name eminent in Wesleyan Methodism. He took a prominent part in Ireland, as he was born in Dublin, 1751; was one of