People of color generally become very wary about discussing
interethnic and interracial misunderstandings and conflicts between various groups for fear that such problems may be used by those in power to
assuage their own guilt feelings and excuse their racism
—“People of color are equally racist, so why should I change when they can't even get along with one another?”
divide and conquer—“As long as people of color fight among themselves, they can't form alliances to confront the
establishment,” and
divert attention away from the injustices of society by defining problems as residing between various racial minority groups.
Further, readers must understand that prejudice toward other groups occurs under an umbrella of White racial superiority and supremacy; although members of socially devalued groups may discriminate, they do not have the systemic power to oppress on a large‐scale basis (Steinberg, 2007; Sue, 2015). In other words,
although they may be able to hurt one another on an individual basis and to individually discriminate against White Americans, they
possess little power to cause systemic harm, especially to White Americans. Some people of color have even suggested that
interethnic prejudice among minorities serves to benefit only those in power.
As a result, people of color are sometimes cautioned not to “air dirty laundry in public.” This admonition speaks realistically to the
existence of miscommunications, disagreements,
misunderstandings, and potential conflicts between and among groups of color. When they constituted a small percentage of the population, it was to their advantage to become allies in a united front against sources of injustice. Avoiding or minimizing interethnic group differences and conflicts served a functional purpose: to allow them to form coalitions of political, economic, and social power to effect changes in society. Although this solidarity may have been historically beneficial on a political and systemic level, the downside has been neglected in dealing with interracial differences that have
proven to become problematic. This issue is even more pressing when, for example, one considers that people of color are rapidly becoming the numerical majority. In 2020, more than half of the children in the United States will be a person of color (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015), and the number of majority minority states and cities is growing—so much so that most estimates indicate that by 2050, people of color will be the majority in the United States as a whole (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012).
As the United States becomes more diverse and people of color are placed in close proximity to and often pitted against one another through a system of White supremacy, a pattern of
misunderstandings and mistrust emerges. In the early 1990s, the racial discourse in urban America was dominated by African
American boycotts of Korean mom‐and‐pop grocery stores, which was followed by looting, firebombing, and mayhem that engulfed Los Angeles (Chang, 2001). Many in the Black community felt that
Koreans were exploiting their communities as had White businesses.
Instances of Hispanic and Black conflicts in the inner cities have also been reported throughout the country. As Latinx individuals have surpassed Blacks in numbers, they have increasingly demanded a greater voice in communities and in the political process. Since Latinx and Black individuals tend to gravitate toward the same
inner‐city areas and compete for the same jobs, great resentment has grown between the groups (Wood, 2006).
In essence, the discourse of race that once was confined to Black–
White relations has become increasingly multiethnic and multiracial.
It is not surprising that most Americans believe that race relations have worsened with the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States and that there was a significant increase in Blacks' and Latinx' perception of race relations getting worse between 2016 and 2017 (Pew Research Center, 2017). Several national surveys (Jones, 2013a, 2013b; National Conference of Christians and Jews, 1994;
Pew Research Center, 2008, 2012) have found the following:
More than 40% of African Americans and Hispanics, and one of every four Whites, believe that Asian Americans are
“unscrupulous, crafty, and devious in business.”
Nearly half the Hispanic Americans surveyed and 40% of African Americans and Whites believe Muslims “belong to a religion that condones or supports terrorism.”
Blacks think they are treated far worse than Whites and worse than other minority groups when it comes to getting equal treatment in applying for mortgages, in the media, and in job promotions.
Although an overwhelming number of people rate racial/ethnic relations between racial group combinations as positive, the most favorable ratings are Whites–Asians (80%), with Blacks–
Hispanics in last place.
Nearly 50% of African Americans believe Latinx immigrants reduce job opportunities for them, while fewer than 40% of Latinx Americans agree.
Approximately 70% of Asian Americans rate their relations with Hispanics as good, and 60% say that of Blacks. Interestingly, and consistent with our earlier analysis, 50% of Korean
Americans have negative views of their relations with Blacks.
Only 10% of African Americans—a staggeringly low number—
believe the police treat them as fairly as other groups.
There is tremendous resentment of Whites by all minority groups.
Two‐thirds of minorities think Whites “believe they are superior and can boss people around,” “are insensitive to other people,”
“control power and wealth in America,” and “do not want to share it with non‐Whites.”
Three primary conclusions are noteworthy here: First, racial/ethnic groups harbor considerable mistrust, envy, and misunderstandings toward one another. Surprisingly, African Americans and Latinx Americans held stronger negative beliefs about Asian Americans than did White Americans (40% versus 25%). Second, and not surprisingly, people of color continue to hold beliefs and attitudes toward Whites that are very negative and filled with resentment, anger, and strong mistrust. Third, dialogue between people of color
must come out of the closet in order to make important and long‐ lasting progress toward mutual respect and understanding, rather than a relationship simply based upon political convenience.
REFLECTION AND DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. What effect does interracial or interethnic bias on the part of therapists of color have upon their culturally diverse clients?
2. Think of an interracial or interethnic people of color dyad (for example, African American therapist and Korean
American client). What therapeutic issues are likely to arise in the dyad you selected?
3. Likewise, in light of the strong negative feelings expressed by all groups of color against Whites, how might a therapist of color react intentionally and unintentionally toward a White client?
Some might argue that a therapist of color working with a White client might be different from a therapist of color working with a client of color because power differentials still exist on a systemic level for White clients. Little in the way of research or conceptual scholarly contributions has addressed these issues. It may not be far‐ fetched, however, to surmise that these racial combinations may share some similar dynamics and clinical issues to White
therapist/client of color dyads. Some increased understanding of these issues may come from a brief review of the historical analysis of interracial and interethnic relationships between groups of color in other venues of their lives.
Video 3.2 Roadblocks and Resistance
How transference and countertransference can negatively impact the counseling relationship.