CHAPTER THREE
4.3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
This sub-part of chapter four provides the summary of the result and discussion as applied to the data used for this study.
4.3:1 RESULTS
The data was classified, analyzed and discussed within the Theoretical Framework of Myers- Scotton (1993) Markedness Model for Code-switching. The data revealed four types of code- switching and code-mixing namely; inter-sentential, intra-sentential, emblematic and that involving change in pronunciation. The data was analyzed based on the predictions given in the
Markedness Model which classifies Code-switching into four types namely ‗Marked,
‘Unmarked, ‘Sequential, and Exploratory.
The results of the study are discussed below in sections corresponding to the types of code- switching identified in accordance with Myers-Scotton‘s (1993a) Markedness Model. Within each type, a number of specific functions are identified and illustrated. Instances and examples are written in bold italics for identification.
Unmarked code-switching
Unmarked code-switching is characterized by a steady and continuous pattern of using two or more languages (Myers-Scotton, 1993a: 117). In the data, such unmarked code -switching was observed to fulfill a number of functions. Firstly, as can be seen in (“Yaro by Di’Ja and
“Ololufe” by Flavour), such code-switching fulfilled a humorous function, when a speaker wanted to elicit a positive response from the hearers.
Unmarked code switching was also observed to indicate an in-group identity which is a social function of Code-switching. As is clear from all lyrics of the songs used for this study, Nigerian bilingual speakers engage in unmarked code switching when using single words from other indigenous languages while speaking English, on the assumption that the listeners understand what is being said. (In Line (4) of ―Orente‖ by Adekunle Gold, “Nnkem, you are my one in a million”), (In Line (1) of ―Ololufe‖ by Flavour, ―Ololufe, Angel of my Life”), (In Line (49) of
―Akwa Ibom Ayaya‖ by Mish, “Just take ukot nsung to calm your brain”), (In Line (26) of
―Yaro‖ by Di‘Ja, ―Oya , show me you love me”).Code switching as an unmarked choice also functioned to alleviate a word-finding difficulty, when a word from the other language was substituted for a momentarily inaccessible word. An example appears in Line (36) of ―Yaro‖ by
Di‘Ja, “This soyayya is sweet oo‖), where the listener understands the meaning of the word in the other language.
It can thus be said that unmarked code-switching is an observable phenomenon and reality which is liable to fulfill a variety of functions.
Sequential Unmarked code-switching.
As stated by Myers-Scotton (1993a: 114), sequential unmarked code-switching occurs when the unmarked RO set changes. Sequential unmarked code switching was also found to fulfill a social function and identity marker, as seen in Mish‘s Akwa Ibom Ayaya. The artistes changes from being explanatory, using NPE in Verse (3) to being traditional, using his local dialect in Bridge (1). This example also reveals how code-switching functions for purposes of humour. It was noticeable that relatively few instances of sequential unmarked code-switching occurred.
Marked code-switching
A number of examples of marked code switching were recorded, i.e., code switching in order to establish a new RO set as unmarked for the current exchange, as usually occurs only in relatively formal conversational interactions (Myers-Scotton 1993a: 131).
One of the functions of such marked code switching was for the purpose of clarification, (as can be seen in Line (38), (39) and (40) of ―Akwa Ibom Ayaya‖ by Mish), where code switching is used to translate a single word. This code-switching was observed quite often in this song, clearly helping the listeners to erase possible misinterpretations.
Expansion is another function of marked code-switching, where the artiste code-switched longer phrases in expanding explanations to ensure understanding by the listeners.
Marked code switching also occurred when Di‘Ja in Line (33) of ―Yaro‖ said, “Kai! Shege
banza”, to display her anger. The artiste‘s use of the marked choice appears to be an attempt to emphasize her desire to be taken seriously. .
Another function fulfilled by marked code-switching in the data observed was humour. Artistes were observed to use code-switching as a way to get a positive and rhythmic response.
Finally, marked code switching was observed to function for purposes of confirmation. In Verse 1 of ―Ololufe‖ by Flavour, the artiste switches in an effort to confirm that the addressee has understood his plight. In Verse 2, the addressee (Chidinma, whose mother tongue is Igbo) in turn switches in an effort to confirm her language choice.
As in the cases of unmarked and sequential unmarked code switching, it is evident that instances of marked code switching are clearly identifiable, and that such switches serve specific functions as observed in the data used for this study.
Exploratory code switching
Code switching may also function as an exploratory choice, such as when the speaker is unsure of what is expected or optimal, and wishes to find out which code choice will match his/her desired Rights and Obligation set (Myers-Scotton, 1993a: 142). According to Kieswetter (1997:
16), code-switching to make an exploratory choice occurs momentarily, as strangers explore code choices within a new and uncertain situation or interaction. This is obvious in Line (4) and Line (7) of “Orente” by Adekunle Gold and in Line (38) and Line (39) of Mish’s “Akwa Ibom Ayaya”
The analysis of the data given above shows evidence in support of the four types of code switching identified on the basis of Myers-Scotton‘s (1993a) Markedness Model, namely unmarked, sequential unmarked, marked and exploratory code-switching.
The Markedness Model may then be said to offer a useful framework for the analysis of code- switching data. In addition, the results of this present study clearly indicate that code switching between English and other indigenous languages fulfils particular functions as observed in the song lyrics, and it may be assumed that code switching between other language pairs fulfils these and possibly other functions in a bilingual/multilingual setting in general. Some of the functions identified, such as clarification, confirmation, and expansion, may be seen as an aid to listeners‘
understanding and familiarization with other indigenous languages. Functions, such as identity marking and humour, may be seen to fulfill a social function. It may be concluded that code- switching may be used as a communicative and an interactive tool by artistes, and that it ought not to be regarded either as detrimental to the academic enterprise, or as socially unacceptable.
The research shows that code-switching and code-mixing do have specific functions and are intentionally used by the artists to convey their meaning. The predictions suggested by Myers- Scotton in the Markedness Model were also found to apply to our data for example code- switching for aesthetic effects, for expression of ethnic identity and group solidarity.
4.3:2 DISCUSSIONS
Studies have shown that code-switching is not a manifestation of mental confusion but a rule governed behaviour among bilinguals which is motivated by certain linguistic as well as socio- psychological factors. These factors could differ from one code-switched variety to another.
Previous scholars of code-switching have noted that the rate of code-switching is high among the Igbo when compared with the other two largest linguistic groups: Hausa and Yoruba.
Observations reveal that there is a socio-psychological motivation for code-switching among the Igbo-English bilinguals. The Language Attitude of most Igbo speakers of English accord more prestige status to English. Sometimes, there is a conscious display of knowledge of a supposedly
more prestigious language by some Igbo-English bilinguals even in situations where Igbo is the medium of discourse. The utterances in Line 2, 3, 4 (Flavour‘s Ololufe) for example seem to have been motivated by the artiste‘s conscious display of the knowledge of English. The same cannot be said for Yoruba-English and Hausa-English bilinguals.
We could say that code-switching is common among the Igbo bilinguals than the other linguistic groups. The influence of Pidgin English is highly noticeable and in constant use in the Eastern part of Nigeria. This tendency results to frequent code-switching. Related to the language attitude is the cultural attitude. Most Igbo people seem not to be proud of their culture and make no effort to promote it through the use of their language. This is unlike the Yoruba and the Hausa who are proud to use their language at any available opportunity.
Although, Pidgin is in use in the Western part of Nigeria but never as their Igbo counterparts. In fact, there is fusion of lexical items from the Nigerian indigenous languages into Nigerian pidgin, Yoruba slangs like ―Paro‖ and ―Omoge‖ among others have been successfully introduced into the Nigerian Pidgin English. The data reflect the attitudes of Nigerians towards their indigenous languages. Though it seems that most Nigerians still do not have favourable dispositions towards their indigenous languages as they do English but the important roles that these other languages can play in the Country‘s development is not lost on the few Nigerians. From experience, the Northerners only use pidgin to communicate with non-native speakers of Hausa. It is neither their desire nor plan to accept English to the detriment of their culture and their indigenous languages. Although, the use of English in the western part of Nigeria is accord respect, still it does not erase those ethnic traits known with Yoruba in their verbal discourse. The degree of attachment demonstrated by Northerners to English is the least and also the last region to taste western education. It is also obvious from the data that there is a positive change, though slow,
towards indigenous languages as youth try to alternate between languages. The use of indigenous languages in hip-hop lyrics has gone a long way not only to re-awake the native speakers who have abandoned their local languages but also to awake the interest of non-native speakers in other languages and cultures. This is a bold step in keeping alive Nigeria‘s indigenous languages.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION
This chapter gives a general overall description of the findings gathered in the data collected. It also suggested recommendations which can elicit further studies.