Social learning describes the impact of observing other people’s behaviour on one’s own behaviour and is sometimes referred to as ‘modelling’ or ‘observational learning’. An early study explored the impact of ‘social suggestion’ on children’s eating behaviours and arranged to have children observe a series of role models making eating behaviours different to their own (Duncker 1938). The models chosen were other children, an unknown adult and a fictional hero. The results showed a greater change in the child’s food preference if the model was an older child, a friend or the fictional hero. The unknown adult had no impact on food preferences. In another study peer modelling was used to change children’s preference for vegetables (Birch 1980). The target children were placed at lunch for four consecutive days next to other children who preferred a
Fig. 6-2 A developmental model of eating behaviour
different vegetable to themselves (peas versus carrots). By the end of the study the children showed a shift in their vegetable preference which persisted at a follow-up assessment several weeks later. The impact of social learning has also been shown in an intervention study designed to change children’s eating behaviour using video based peer modelling (Lowe et al. 1998). This series of studies used video material of ‘food dudes’ who were older children enthusiastically consuming refused food which was shown to children with a history of food refusal. The results showed that exposure to the
‘food dudes’ significantly changed the children’s food preferences and specifically increased their consumption of fruit and vegetables. Food preferences therefore change through watching others eat (see Figure 6.3).
Parental attitudes to food and eating behaviours are also central to the process of social learning. In line with this, Wardle (1995) contended that, ‘Parental attitudes must certainly affect their children indirectly through the foods purchased for and served in the household, . . . influencing the children’s exposure and . . . their habits and preferences’. Some evidence indicates that parents do influence their children’s eating behaviour. For example, Klesges et al. (1991) showed that children selected different foods when they were being watched by their parents compared to when they were not. Olivera et al. (1992) reported a correlation between mothers’ and children’s food intakes for most nutrients in pre-school children, and suggested targeting parents to try to improve children’s diets. Likewise, Contento et al. (1993) found a relationship between mothers’ health motivation and the quality of children’s diets. Parental behaviour and attitudes are therefore central to the process of social learning with research highlighting a positive association between parents’ and children’s diets.
Fig. 6-3 Social eating
There is, however, some evidence that mothers and children are not always in line with each other. For example, Wardle (1995) reported that mothers rated health as more important for their children than for themselves. Alderson and Ogden (1999) similarly reported that whereas mothers were more motivated by calories, cost, time and avail- ability for themselves they rated nutrition and long-term health as more important for their children. In addition, mothers may also differentiate between themselves and their children in their choices of food. For example, Alderson and Ogden (1999) indicated that mothers fed their children more of the less healthy dairy products, breads, cereals and potatoes and fewer of the healthy equivalents to these foods than they ate themselves.
Furthermore, this differentiation was greater in dieting mothers suggesting that mothers who restrain their own food intake may feed their children more of the foods that they are denying themselves. A relationship between maternal dieting and eating behaviour is also supported by a study of 197 families with pre-pubescent girls by Birch and Fisher (2000). This study concluded that the best predictors of the daughter’s eating behaviour were the mother’s level of dietary restraint and the mother’s perceptions of the risk of her daughter becoming overweight. In sum, parental behaviours and attitudes may influence those of their children through the mechanisms of social learning. This association, however, may not always be straightforward with parents differentiating between them- selves and their children both in terms of food related motivations and eating behaviour.
The role of social learning is also shown by the impact of television and food advertising. For example, after Eyton’s ‘The F plan diet’ was launched by the media in 1982 which recommended a high fibre diet, sales of bran-based cereals rose by 30 per cent, wholewheat bread rose by 10 per cent, wholewheat pasta rose by 70 per cent and baked beans rose by 8 per cent. Similarly, in December 1988 Edwina Curry, the then junior health minister in the UK said on television ‘most of the egg production in this country, sadly is now infected with salmonella’ (ITN, 1988). Egg sales then fell by 50 per cent and by 1989 were still only at 75 per cent of their previous levels (Mintel 1990).
Similarly massive publicity about the health risks of beef in the UK between May and August 1990 resulted in a 20 per cent reduction in beef sales. One study examined the public’s reactions to media coverage of ‘food scares’ such as salmonella, listeria and BSE and compared it to their reactions to coverage of the impact of food on coronary heart disease. The study used interviews, focus groups and an analysis of the content and style of media presentations (MacIntyre et al. 1998). The authors concluded that the media has a major impact upon what people eat and how they think about foods. They also argued that the media can set the agenda for public discussion. The authors stated, however, that the public do not just passively respond to the media ‘but that they exercise judgement and discretion in how much they incorporate media messages about health and safety into their diets’ (MacIntyre 1998: 249). Further they argued that eating behaviours are limited by personal circumstances such as age, gender, income and family structure and that people actively negotiate their understanding of food within both the micro context (such as their immediate social networks) and the macro social con- texts (such as the food production and information production systems). The media is therefore an important source for social learning. This study suggests, however, the individuals learn from the media by placing the information being provided within the broader context of their lives.
In summary, social learning factors are central to choices about food. This includes significant others in the immediate environment, particularly parents and the media which offer new information, present role models and illustrate behaviour and attitudes which can be observed and incorporated into the individual’s own behavioural repertoire.