II) Verbal morphology
2.44.3 Subtype Ca
Verbs like cama, ca- ‘eat’ and bhama, bha ‘cut’ fall into this subtype. The possible augments of ca- ‘eat’ are caaŋ (with first person A argument in the non-past tense), cooŋ (with first person A argument in the past tense), caŋa (with first person S argument in the non-past tense), caoŋ (with first person S argument in the past tense), caa (with first person A argument in the non-past tense), coo (with first person A argument in the past tense), and cee (with first person plural S argument in the non-past tense). There is a lots of stem vowel change here and none of the previous subtypes has this.
(116)(a) FIRST PERSON SINGULAR AARGUMENT IN NON-PAST ŋa-a pempak ca-a-ŋ
1SG-ERG bread.ABS eat.NPST-3P-1SG.A
‘I eat bread.’
(b) FIRST PERSON SINGULAR AARGUMENT IN PAST ŋa-a pempak co-o-ŋ
1SG-ERG bread.ABS eat.PST-3P-1SG.A
‘I ate bread.’
(c) THIRD PERSON SINGULAR AARGUMENT khokku-a pempak ca-a
3SG-ERG bread.ABS eat-3P
‘He eats bread.’
(d) FIRST PERSON PLURAL SARGUMENT
ke pempak ce-e
1PL.INCL.ABS bread.ABS eat-1/2PL.NPST
‘We eat breads.’ (generic reference)
171 2.44.4 Subtype Co
The only verb that falls into this subtype is ŋoma, ŋo- ‘fry.’ The possible augments of ŋo-‘fry’ are such as ŋooŋ and ŋoo, as in:
(117)(a) FIRST PERSON SINGULAR AARGUMENT IN PAST ŋa-a pempak ŋo-o-ŋ
1SG-ERG bread.ABS fry.PST-3P-1SG.A
‘I fried bread.’
(b) THIRD PERSON SINGULAR AARGUMENT khokku-a pempak ŋo-o
3SG-ERG bread.ABS fry-3P
‘He fried bread.’
The distribution of stem classes is presented in Table 63.
172
Table 63: Stem alternations
Cu Ci Ca Co CVC CVC-d CVC-dh CVN-t CVN-d CV-d CVK-s CVS-s CVP-s CVS- CV-r CV-s CV-l
mu chi ca ŋo enn satt lupd chakɖ lʌkdh tomt ŋand kid soks chess cheps thuss tar tas hol hu ri bha dhitt pott bitd phad tʌŋdh soŋt dind hud sʌks less khaps poss chor bal su bhi la lokk nukk batd itd cipdh ŋant bhund bud kʌks bhus aps khuss khur bhul
ti kha rʌŋŋ mapp betd chotd cetdh lunt sind khud bhuks kess bops chiss por bil ba onnh lekk bhekd chetd lukɖh pʌnt cind cid khʌks iss hops huss par khil ta baŋŋ lamm bhukd chʌpd kindh mant pid tʌks poss nhaps kuss tar thul
na batt khaŋŋ bokd mitd podh kent rid bʌks ŋess ŋaps car hul
bekk huŋŋ bopd metd hont lid lʌks chess chaps chʌr tol
bett dhapp khopd mʌkɖ bamt sud thʌks bhiss ips ɖher pol
app cutt pukɖ lupd bhamt red dʌks jhess khaps khol
bʌkk chʌkk cupd khotd khʌnt thud choks phess dhaps
baŋŋ bekk chʌkɖ kʌkɖ sont chid dʌks piss
batt satt wand hepd bomt ruks loss
bekk bopp tupd dotd pamt roks chuss
bett chʌkk thakd mopd phamt kʌks bhuss
bhukk rett pʌpd mamt coks
lokk yokk sont puks
chokk sett somʈ
sokk bopp kuŋʈ
tokk copp khʌnt
mokk khopp chemt
patt ɖhaŋŋ latt chaŋŋ lett laŋŋ bett phaŋŋ
173 2.45 Puma template
In templatic morphology the structure of the string of formatives is flat and departs in a number of ways from layered structure (Francis & Stonham 2006; Spencer 1991). There can be more than one root or head. The position of formatives in the string can be determined by their formal categories, or by phonological principles, rather than their syntactic or semantic functions (Bickel 2007).
Templatic morphology is characteristic, for example, of verb agreement not only in Algonquian, Bantu, but also in Kiranti languages, where it regulates the sequencing of inflectional formatives (Bickel & Nichols 2007, 2011). Tables 64 and 65 present intransitive verb conjugations, while Tables 66 and 67 present transitive verb conjugations. Table 68 illustrates the templatic structure of Puma (Kiranti) verb. As is typical for templatic morphology, there are many long-distance dependencies across several affix positions.
Table 64: Intransitive verb conjugations
INTRANSITIVE INDICATIVE
PRONOUNS AFFIRMATIVE NEGATIVE
NPST PST NPST PST
1SG Σ-ŋa Σ-oŋ pʌ-Σ-nʌŋ
1DL.INCL Σ-ci Σ-a-ci pʌ-Σ-ci-min pʌ- -a-ci-min 1PL.INCL Σ-i/e Σ-a-nin pʌ- -i-min pʌ- -a-ni-min 1DL.EXCL Σ-ci-ka Σ-a-ci-ka pʌ- -ci-min-ka pʌ- -a-ci-min-ka 1PL.EXCL Σ-i-ka Σ-a-nin-ka pʌ- ʌ-min-ka pʌ- -a-ni-min-ka
2SG tʌ-Σ tʌ-Σ-a tʌ- -nin tʌ- -en
2DL tʌ-Σ-ci tʌ-Σ-a-ci tʌ- -ci-min tʌ- -a-ci-min 2PL tʌ-Σ-i/e tʌ-Σ-a-nin tʌ- -ʌ-min tʌ- -a-ni-min
3SG Σ Σ-a pʌ- -nin pʌ- -en
3DL pʌ-Σ-ci pʌ-Σ-a-ci pʌ- -ci-min pʌ- -a-ci-min 3PL mʌ-Σ mʌ-Σ-a ni-pʌ- -nin ni-pʌ-Σ-en
174
Intransitive imperfective paradigm is presented in Table 65.
Table 65: Intransitive imperfective paradigms
INTRANSITIVE IMPERFECTIVE
PRONOUNS AFFIRMATIVE NEGATIVE
NPST PST NPST PST
1SG -ŋa-ŋa -oŋ-yaŋ pʌ- -nʌŋ-yaŋ
1DL.INCL -caŋ-ci -aŋ-ci pʌ- -caŋ-ci-min pʌ- -aŋ-ci-min
1PL.INCL -aŋ-i -aŋ-nin pʌ- -aŋ-ni-min
1DL.EXCL -caŋ-ci-ka -aŋ-ci-ka pʌ- -caŋ-ci-min-ka pʌ- -aŋ-ci-min-ka 1PL.EXCL -aŋ-i-ka -aŋ-nin-ka pʌ- -aŋ-ni-min-ka
2SG tʌ- -yaŋ tʌ- -a-ŋa tʌ- -nin-yen tʌ- -en-yen 2DL tʌ- -caŋ-ci tʌ- -aŋ-ci tʌ- -caŋ-ci-min tʌ- -aŋ-ci-min 2PL tʌ- -aŋ-i tʌ- -aŋ-nin tʌ- -aŋ-ni-min tʌ- -aŋ-ni-min
3SG -yaŋ -a-ŋa pʌ- -nin-yen pʌ- -en-yen
3DL pʌ- -caŋ-ci pʌ- -aŋ-ci pʌ- -caŋ-ci-min pʌ- -aŋ-cʌ-min 3PL mʌ- -yaŋ mʌ- -a-ŋa ni-pʌ- -nin-yen ni-pʌ- -en-yen
175
Table 66: Non-past transitive verb paradigms29
29Within the paradigm table, upper case refers to affirmative and lower case refers to negative forms.
1sg 1dl.incl 1pl.incl 1dl.excl 1pl.excl 2sg 2dl 2pl 3sg 3ns ANTIPASSIVE
1sg A P -na -na-ci -na-nin -u-ŋ -u-ŋ-cʌŋ kha- -ŋa
pʌ- -nen pʌ- -na-ci-min pʌ- -na-nimin pʌ- n-ʌŋ pʌ- -nʌŋ-cʌŋ kha-pʌ- -nʌŋ
1di -ci -ci-ci kha- -ci
pʌ- -ci-min pʌ- -ci-ci-min kha-pʌ- -ci-min
1pi -u-m -u-m-cʌm kha- -i
pʌ- -u-m-min pʌ- -u-m-cʌm-min kha-pʌ- -i-min 1de
ni-tʌ-
ni-tʌ- ci ni-tʌ- -i -ci-ka -ci-ci-ka kha- -ci-ka
ni-tʌ- -ci-min pʌ- -ci-min-ka pʌ- -ci-ci-min-ka kha-pʌ- -ci-min-ka
1pe ni-tʌ- nin ni-tʌ- i ni-tʌ- -i-min -u-m-ka -u-m-cʌm-ka kha- -i-ka
ni-tʌ- i-min pʌ- -u-m-minka pʌ- -u-m-cʌm-minka kha-pʌ- -i-min-ka
2sg tʌ- -ŋa kha-tʌ- tʌ- -i tʌ- -i-ci kha-tʌ-
tʌ- -nʌŋ kha-tʌ- -nin tʌ- -in tʌ- -in-cin kha-tʌ- -nin
2dl tʌ- -ŋa-cʌŋ kha-tʌ- -ci tʌ- -ci tʌ- -ci-ci kha-tʌ- -ci
tʌ- -nʌŋ-cʌ-mʌŋ kha-tʌ- -ci-min tʌ- -ci-min tʌ- -ci-ci-min kha-tʌ- -ci-min
2pl tʌ- -ŋa-nʌŋ kha-tʌ- -i tʌ- -u-m tʌ- -u-m-cʌm kha-tʌ- -i
tʌ- -nʌŋ-nʌ-mʌŋ kha-tʌ- -i-min tʌ- -u-m-min tʌ- -u-m-cʌm-min kha-tʌ- -i-min
3sg pʌ- -ŋa kha- pʌ- -ci-ka pʌ- -i-ka tʌ- tʌ- -ci tʌ- -i -i -i-ci kha-
pʌ- -nʌŋ kha-pʌ- -nin pʌ- -ciminka pʌ iminka tʌ- -nin tʌ- -ci-min tʌ- -i-min pʌ- -in pʌ- -in-cin kha-pʌ- -nin 3dl pʌ- -ŋa-cʌŋ kha-pʌ- -ci ni-pʌ- -ci-ka
ni-pʌ- -ci-min-ka ni-tʌ-
ni-tʌ- -ci ni-tʌ- -i pʌ- -ci pʌ- -ci-ci kha-pʌ- -ci
pʌ- -nʌŋ-cʌ-mʌŋ kha-pʌ- -ci-min ni-tʌ- -ci-min pʌ- -ci-min pʌ- -ci-ci-min kha-pʌ- -ci-min
3pl ni-pʌ- -ŋa kha-mʌ- ni-pʌ- -i-ka ni-pʌ- -i-min-ka
ni-tʌ -nin ni-tʌ- -i ni-tʌ- -i-min pʌ- mʌ- -i-ci kha-mʌ-
ni-pʌ- -nʌŋ kha-ni-pʌ- -nin ni-tʌ- -i-min ni-pʌ- -in ni-pʌ- -in-cin kha-ni-pʌ- -nin
176
Table 67: Past transitive verb paradigms
1sg 1dl.i 1pl.i 1dl.e 1pl.e 2sg 2dl 2pl 3sg 3ns ANTIPASSIVE
1sg A P -na -na-ci -na-nin -u-u-ŋ -u-u-ŋ-cʌŋ kha- -oŋ
pʌ- -nen pʌ- -na-cimin pʌ- -na-nimin pʌ- -nʌŋ pʌ- -nʌŋ-cʌŋ kha-pʌ- -nʌŋ
1di -a-ci -a-ci-ci kha- -a-ci
pʌ- -a-ci-min pʌ- -a-ci-ci-min kha-pʌ- -a-ci-min
1pi -u-u-m -u-u-m-cʌm kha- -a-nin
pʌ- -u-u-m-min pʌ- -u-u-m-cʌm-min kha-pʌ- -a-ni-min 1de
ni-tʌ- -a
ni-tʌ- -a-ci ni-tʌ- -a-nin -a-ci-ka -a-ci-ci-ka kha- -a-ci-ka ni-tʌ -a-cimin pʌ- -a-ci-min-ka pʌ- -a-ci-ci-min-ka kha-pʌ- -a-ci-min-ka
1pe ni-tʌ- -en ni-tʌ- -a-nin ni-tʌ -a-nimin -u-u-m-ka -u-u-m-cʌm-ka kha- -a-nin-ka
ni-tʌ -a-nimin pʌ -u-u-m-minka pʌ- -u-u-m-cʌm-minka kha-pʌ- -a-ni-min-ka
2sg tʌ- -oŋ kha-tʌ- -a tʌ- -i tʌ- -i-ci kha-tʌ- -a
tʌ- -nʌŋ kha-tʌ- -en tʌ- -in tʌ- -in-cin kha-tʌ- -en
2dl tʌ- -oŋ-cʌŋ kha-tʌ- -a-ci tʌ- -a-ci tʌ- -a-ci-ci kha-tʌ- -a-ci
tʌ- nʌŋcʌmʌŋ kha-tʌ- -a-ci-min tʌ- -a-ci-min tʌ- -a-ci-ci-min kha-tʌ- -a-ci-min
2pl tʌ- -oŋ-nʌŋ kha-tʌ- -a-nin tʌ- -u-u-m tʌ- -u-u-m-cʌm kha-tʌ- -a-nin
tʌ- nʌŋnʌmʌŋ kha-tʌ- -a-ni-min tʌ- -u-u-m-min tʌ- -u-u-m-cʌm-min kha-tʌ- -a-ni-min
3sg pʌ- -oŋ kha- -a pʌ- -a-cika pʌ a-ninka tʌ- -a tʌ- -a-ci tʌ- -a-nin -i -i-ci kha- -a
pʌ- -nʌŋ kha-pʌ- -en pʌ aciminka pʌ animinka tʌ- -en tʌ- -a-ci-min tʌ- --a-ni-min pʌ- -in pʌ- -in-cin kha-pʌ- -en 3dl pʌ- -oŋ-cʌŋ kha-pʌ -a-ci ni-pʌ- -a-ci-ka
ni-pʌ- -a-ci-min-ka ni-tʌ- -a
ni-tʌ- -a-ci ni-tʌ- -a-nin pʌ- -a-ci pʌ- -a-ci-ci kha-pʌ- -a-ci
pʌ nʌŋcʌmʌŋ khapʌ acimin ni-tʌ -a-cimin pʌ- -a-ci-min pʌ- -a-ci-ci-min kha-pʌ- -a-ci-min
3pl ni-pʌ- -oŋ kha-mʌ- -a ni-pʌ- -a-nin-ka ni-pʌ- -a-ni-min-ka
ni-tʌ- -en ni-tʌ- -a-nin ni-tʌ- -a-nimin pʌ- -a mʌ- -i-ci kha-mʌ- -a
ni-pʌ- -nʌŋ kha-nipʌ -en ni-tʌ -a-nimin ni-pʌ- -in ni-pʌ- -in-cin kha-ni-pʌ- -en
Table 68: Puma template verbs
pf1 pf2 pf3 Σ sf1 sf2 sf3 sf4 sf5 sf6 sf7 sf8
kha ni tʌ
STEM
ŋa na nin yam ci ŋ min ka
pʌ oŋ ŋ mʌ yen m
mʌ a nʌŋ mʌŋ
pʌ caŋ i
a~u~i~o naŋ
177 2.46 Chapter summary
This chapter presents an overview of the phonology and morphology of Puma, based on primary fieldwork data. The chapter is divided into two parts: phonology and morphology. Puma has thirty-two consonant phonemes and six vowel phonemes. All consonant phonemes occur in word-initial position, while vowel phonemes occur in all word-initial, word-medial and word-final positions. Unlike neighbouring languages like Bantawa and Camling, Puma has retroflex and dental sounds. I demonstrate the distribution of consonants in different positions according to their manner of articulation: word-initial, word-medial (intervocalic) and word-final, and the possibility of gemination of consonants, and the distribution of consonant clusters word-initially, word-medially and word-finally. The syllable can be formulated minimally and maximally. In Puma the minimal syllable is V and the maximum syllable is (C)(G) V (C) (C), where ‘G’ is a glide. Puma allows initial consonant cluster in N C V C, where ‘N’ is a nasal. The loanwords from other languages and the phonology of loanwords from Nepali are discussed.
Part II presents an overview of morphology in Puma, including details of nominal and verbal morphology. Puma makes an inclusive and exclusive distinction in the first person non-singular of pronouns where non-singular includes dual and plural.
Transitive verbs show agreement with person and number. Puma has a split case- marking system between nominative-accusative and ergative-absolutive-dative and shows a highly unusual system of ergativity (where intransitive subjects are marked the same way as some transitive objects and differently from transitive subjects). A striking feature of Puma is upside-down split ergativity (Bickel et al. 2005) in which intransitive subjects are marked in the same way as transitive objects for the first person singular and plural, while transitive subjects are marked in the same way as intransitive subjects but differently from transitive objects for the third person. Puma verbs and Proto-Kiranti verbal agreement system is described in which the Puma morphemes which have clear Proto-Kiranti cognates are presented. There are a total nine reflexes in Puma which are either identical or cognate. The features of personal pronouns, case-marking, possessive constructions, demonstratives, affixes and Puma templates are also discussed.