An Analysis

A new analysis of -wi in Wagiman

complex predicates

Daniel Krauße Mark Harvey

University of Newcastle

Wagiman

• spoken around Pine Creek, 200 km south of Darwin

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• moribund non-Pama-Nyungan language

• language isolate

• non-classifying prefixing language

• makes extensive use of coverb constructions (CVC) to form complex predicates

Wagiman

• combination of coverb + verb

• coverbs: non-finite, open class, little inflection (aspect?)

• verbs: finite, closed class, rich inflection (person, tense, aspect, mood)

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Coverb morphology

galh-Ø ‘climb-^PFV’ bare form

• four suffixes in substitution class:

galh-ma ‘climb-^NPFV’ citation form, originally imperfective

galh-wi ‘climb-?’ unclear

(?)galh-ma-wi ‘climb-^NPFV-?’ unattested

(…-)galh-ma-… ‘climb-^VBZ-…’ verbal form, can take verbal inflection

• this substitution class is difficult to describe: aspect, telicity, quantification?

• further complication: -wi (so far unclear) is in this substitution class

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Coverb morphology

galh-Ø ‘climb-^PFV’ bare form

• four suffixes in substitution class:

galh-ma ‘climb-^NPFV’ citation form, originally imperfective?

galh-wi ‘climb-?’ unclear

(?)galh-ma-wi ‘climb-^NPFV-?’ unattested

• this substitution class is difficult to describe: aspect, telicity, quantification?

• further complication: -wi (so far unclear) is in this substitution class

(…-)galh-ma-… ‘climb-^VBZ-…’ verbal form, can take verbal inflection

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Coverb morphology

galh-Ø ‘climb-^PFV’ bare form

• four suffixes in substitution class:

galh-ma ‘climb-^NPFV’ citation form, originally imperfective?

galh-wi ‘climb-^ACH?’ absolute/definite achievement, really, 100%???

(?)galh-ma-wi ‘climb-^NPFV-?’ unattested

• this substitution class is difficult to describe: aspect, telicity, quantification?

• further complication: -wi (so far unclear) is in this substitution class

(…-)galh-ma-… ‘climb-^VBZ-…’ verbal form, can take verbal inflection

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Allomorphy of -wi

-kwi after final /k/, bak-kwi ‘break’

-pwi after final /p/, dap-pwi ‘hit’

-twi after final /t/ or /ʈ/ durdut-twi ‘run’, dippart-twi ‘jump’

-jwi after final /c/, dowtj-jwi ‘snap off’

-wi elsewhere bewh-wi ‘cross’, joro-wi ‘return’

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Complex predicates

(1) Bewh-ma ng-a-Ø-bu-ni boran.

cross-^{NPFV PST}-1^SG.^AGT-3^PAT-hit-^PST.^NPFV river

‘I was crossing the river.’

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Complex predicates

(1) Bewh-ma ng-a-Ø-bu-ni boran.

cross-^{NPFV PST}-1^SG.^AGT-3^PAT-hit-^PST.^NPFV river

‘I was crossing the river.’

(2) Bewh-Ø ng-i-Ø-bu-ng gahan lari.

cross-PFV PST-1PL.AGT-3PAT-hit-PST.PFV DEM.MED creek

‘We crossed that creek.’

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(1) Bewh-ma ng-a-Ø-bu-ni boran.

cross-^{NPFV PST}-1^SG.^AGT-3^PAT-hit-^PST.^NPFV river

‘I was crossing the river.’

(2) Bewh-Ø ng-i-Ø-bu-ng gahan lari.

cross-PFV PST-1PL.AGT-3PAT-hit-PST.PFV DEM.MED creek

‘We crossed that creek.’

(3) Liri-ma ng-a-ya-nggi, bewh-ma, bewh-wi ng-a-bu-ng.

swim-NPFV PST-1SG-go-PST cross-NPFV cross-? PST-1SG.AGT-3PAT-hit-PST.PFV

‘I swam across that river.’

Complex predicates

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Complex predicates

(1) Bewh-ma ng-a-Ø-bu-ni boran.

cross-^{NPFV PST}-1^SG.^AGT-3^PAT-hit-^PST.^NPFV river

‘I was crossing the river.’

(2) Bewh-Ø ng-i-Ø-bu-ng gahan lari.

cross-PFV PST-1PL.AGT-3PAT-hit-PST.PFV DEM.MED creek

‘We crossed that creek.’

(3) Liri-ma ng-a-ya-nggi, bewh-ma, bewh-wi ng-a-bu-ng.

swim-NPFV PST-1SG-go-PST cross-NPFV cross-? PST-1SG.AGT-3PAT-hit-PST.PFV

‘I swam across that river.’

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What is -wi?

• Cook (1987:259):

The Sequential aspect suffix -wi is attached to the participle Punctual root, and describes a punctual action undertaken sequential to some other action. A Sequential-marked participle also codes sequential aspect for the finite verb and the clause as a whole (including another participle).

Sequential-marked participles can occur in a clause with no previous linguistic context, in which the action to which it is sequential is either provided by discourse context, or has an

interpretation of ‘and then suddenly’.

• Wilson (1999:58):

There is a suffix -wuy (with phonologically conditioned allomorphy) which is attached to the bare forms of coverbs. Often it seems to be used when an event occurs as a consequence of some preceding event.

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What is -wi?

• Cook (1987:259):

The Sequential aspect suffix -wi is attached to the participle Punctual root, and describes a punctual action undertaken sequential to some other action. A Sequential-marked participle also codes sequential aspect for the finite verb and the clause as a whole (including another participle).

Sequential-marked participles can occur in a clause with no previous linguistic context, in which the action to which it is sequential is either provided by discourse context, or has an

interpretation of ‘and then suddenly’.

• Wilson (1999:58):

There is a suffix -wuy (with phonologically conditioned allomorphy) which is attached to the bare forms of coverbs. Often it seems to be used when an event occurs as a consequence of some preceding event.

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What is -wi?

(4) M-unyju-badi ngonggo gahan, lawh-wi m-i-ya gabarn-a.

FUT-3AGT>2SG.PAT-bite 2SG.OBL DEM.MED get.up-? IMP-2SG-go be.quick-NPFV

‘That [dog] will bite you, so get up quickly!’

• (con)sequential? ✓

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What is -wi?

(4) M-unyju-badi ngonggo gahan, lawh-wi m-i-ya gabarn-a.

FUT-3AGT>2SG.PAT-bite 2SG.OBL DEM.MED get.up-? IMP-2SG-go be.quick-NPFV

‘That [dog] will bite you, so get up quickly!’

(5) Ah, nganku bakko g-a-yu dul-wi!

INTJ whatsit tobacco ^PRS-3-be lie.down-?

‘Ah, there’s tobacco lying there!’

• (con)sequential?

• not (con)sequential … ✘

✓

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What is -wi?

• Cook (1987:259):

The Sequential aspect suffix -wi is attached to the participle Punctual root, and describes a punctual action undertaken sequential to some other action. A Sequential-marked participle also codes sequential aspect for the finite verb and the clause as a whole (including another participle).

Sequential-marked participles can occur in a clause with no previous linguistic context, in which the action to which it is sequential is either provided by discourse context, or has an

interpretation of ‘and then suddenly’.

• Wilson (1999:58):

There is a suffix -wuy (with phonologically conditioned allomorphy) which is attached to the bare forms of coverbs. Often it seems to be used when an event occurs as a consequence of some preceding event.

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What is -wi?

(6) Dowh-Ø Ø-du-ng na, dippart-twi Ø-ya-nggi gahan durin.

shoot-PFV 3>3PST-shoot-PST.PFV TEMP jump-? 3PST-go-PST DEM.MED snake

‘He shot it, that snake jumped.’

• punctual action? ✓

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What is -wi?

(7) Gayh-gunda gokko joro-wi ng-i-ya-nggi-guju Queenie-giwu magu.

there-^ABL still return-? ^PST-1^PL-go-^PST-^{DU PN}.^F-^DU over.there

‘From there, we went back over there (again), Queenie and me.’

• punctual action?

• not punctual … ✘

✓

(6) Dowh-Ø Ø-du-ng na, dippart-twi Ø-ya-nggi gahan durin.

shoot-PFV 3>3PST-shoot-PST.PFV TEMP jump-? 3PST-go-PST DEM.MED snake

‘He shot it, that snake jumped.’

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Unlike forms

• -wi licenses complex predicates that are otherwise unattested

(8a) Barat-twi ng-a-n-ya-ny.

pass.by-ACH PST-1SG.PAT-3SG.AGT-do/say-PST.PFV

‘He passed me by.’

(8b) Barat-ta Ø-ya-nginy.

pass.by-^NPFV 3^PST-go-^PST

‘He passed by.’

• compare:

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An analysis of -wi

• what we know:

• it attaches to coverbs

• it is in a substitution class with other coverb suffixes with unclear meaning

• the syntactic structure of CVC with -wi is largely identical with any other CVC

• it licenses unusual combinations of coverb + verb

• it is not necessarily punctual and not necessarily (con)sequential

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An analysis of -wi

• what we know:

• it attaches to coverbs

• it is in a substitution class with other coverb suffixes with unclear meaning

• the syntactic structure of CVC with -wi is largely identical with any other CVC

• it licenses unusual combinations of coverb + verb

• it is not necessarily punctual and not necessarily (con)sequential

• what we want to know:

1. Does it attach to other word classes?

2. When can -wi not be used?

3. Does it occur in other languages?

4. Are there speakers who use it more frequently than others?

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Question 1: Does it attach to other word classes?

• not reported in Cook (1987) and Wilson (1999), only on coverbs

• very few attested cases of -wi on verbalized coverbs:

(9) Jamba g-i-guk-ka-Ø-wi, gajirri!

NEG.NPST PRS-2SG-sleep-VBZ-IRR-? young.woman

‘You can’t sleep (now), young woman!’

(10) Gahan=di ngonong-a-wi Ø-ya-nggi, liwatjjondony ga-ya!

DEM.^MED=^CONTR do.like.that-^VBZ-? 3^PST-go-^PST bad ^PRS-3-go

‘That (bloke) has gone like that, he’s no good.’

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Question 1: Does it attach to other word classes?

• not reported in Cook (1987) and Wilson (1999), only on coverbs

• very few attested cases of -wi on nominals and others POS

(11) Gayh-gorden warre-buga-wi yurn-na olnay.

DEM.MED-PL child-COLL-? talk-NPFV all.night

‘Those kids were talking all night.’

(12) Gerrey ng-a-n-ba-ga-ng ngagun, lardukkal

hold.back-^{PFV PST}-1^SG.^PAT-3^SG.^AGT-^PL-take-^PST.^PFV 1^SG in-law nganing-gin-wi g-a-ni gayh-laying.

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Question 1: Does it attach to other word classes?

• maybe there are two different -wi suffixes?

• one attaches to coverbs meaning ‘absolute achievement’

• the other attaches to other POS, unclear meaning

• compare the following examples of =bi:

(13) Jahan-gu=bi g-a-ru-n yimbama gahan warren what-DAT=CONTR PRS-3-cry-REAL always DEM.MED child

‘Why is that always crying?’

(14) Mayh-gorden=bi g-a-ba-ya marnmarn.

DEM.PROX-PL=CONTR PRS-3-PL-go alive

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Question 2: When can -wi not be used?

(15) Dowtj-Ø Ø-ma-ny gahan wirin, […], bak-kwi Ø-ma-ny.

snap.off-^PFV 3>3^PST-get-^PST.^{PFV DEM}.^MED tree break-^ACH 3>3^PST-get-^PST.^PFV

‘He snapped that tree off, […], he broke it right through.’

• we have no attestation of any grammatical/semantic restrictions

• occurs with perfective (15) or non-perfective verbs (16) or without a verb (17)

(16) Worrok-ka-gu joro-wi ng-i-ga-ndi-guju, …

wash-^NMLZ-^DAT return-^{ACH PST}-1^PL.^AGT-3^SG.^PAT-take-^PST.^NPFV-^PL

‘We took the wheelbarrow away and filled it up.’

(17) …ng-i-ya-nggi joro-ma magu Old Crossing // bewh-wi.

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Question 3: Does it occur in other languages?

• similar form is found in Wardaman -bi ~ -wi (Merlan 1994:92)

• glossed as

ART

(article suffix):

An article-like ending -bi ~ -wi may be suffixed to many parts of speech, most commonly to nominals, to adverbs, and more rarely, to verb particles. In general, the article ending

contributes specificity or concreteness to the meaning of the form to which it is suffixed, but it does this in slightly different ways for different word classes.

With words designating place or geographic feature, the article equally contributes specificity, and often is to be interpreted as having a pergressive sense with respect to the predicate.

• could this form be related to nominal -bi ~ -wi in Wagiman?

• not found in other languages?

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Question 4: Are there speakers who use it more frequently than others?

• fully transcribed corpus of 92 hours, examined 273 sentences with -wi

• single story (31:34 min) about old times narrated by the late Lulu Dalppalngali Martin (♀, age ~80 in 1997) contains 16 occurrences of -wi:

• 9x joro-wi ‘return’, 3x bewh-wi ‘cross’, 2x lem-wi ‘go/be in’, 1x buy-wi ‘go away’, 1x yerdengh-wi ‘be out of sight ~ do secretly’

• speaker percentage:

• Lulu Martin: 233/273 (85.4%)

• Lenny Liddy: 20/273 (7.3%)

• Paddy Huddlestone: 12/273 (4.4%)

• Douglas Jack 8/273 (2.9%)

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Question 5: Do we have some statistics on the occurrence of -wi?

• 273 sentences containing -wi part-of-speech:

268 (98.2%) on coverbs 2 (< 1%) on verbs

1 (< 1%) on nouns 1 (< 1%) on pronoun 1 (< 1%) on particle

word order:

173 (63.4%) coverb-verb 63 (23.1%) coverb alone 32 (11.7%) verb-coverb 5 (1.8%) other POS

path

240 (87.9%) on path coverb 28 (10.3%) on non-path coverb

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Question 6: What is the meaning of -wi?

• we propose a new meaning

• functions as a quantifier with aspectual meaning

• denotes absolute achievement (glossed

ACH

)

• translatable as ‘really’, ‘100%’, ‘absolutely’, ‘totally’, or past perfective

• this new analysis explains why:

• previous authors were not able to pinpoint exact meaning

• it occurs spontaneously, cannot be elicited

• some speakers use it more frequently than others

• coverbs do always combine with a verb and frequently occur alone

• it cannot explain why:

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Examples with our new analysis:

Question 6: What is the meaning of -wi?

(18) Ng-i-yangga-jan, bewh-wi, dilhdil-ma muny-baban dabaley-Ø.

PST-1^PL-go:^PST-^PST.^HAB cross-^{ACH DISTR}~set.alight-^NPFV low-side go.around-^PFV

‘We used to go, once right across, (we would) burn (the grass) on the other side, and then go around.’

→ alternative translations: ‘having crossed’ / ‘after crossing’ / ‘100% across’

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Question 6: What is the meaning of -wi?

(18) Ng-i-yangga-jan, bewh-wi, dilhdil-ma muny-baban dabaley-Ø.

PST-1^PL-go:^PST-^PST.^HAB cross-^{ACH DISTR}~set.alight-^NPFV low-side go.around-^PFV

‘We used to go, once right across, (we would) burn (the grass) on the other side, and then go around.’

(19) Yerdengh-wi gu-yama gorrh-ma-gu be.out.of.sight-^ACH 3^FUT-go:^FUT fish-^NMLZ-^DAT

‘He will go completely out of sight for fishing.’

→ alternative translations: ‘having crossed’ / ‘after crossing’ / ‘100% across’

Examples with our new analysis:

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Final Question: Can you help us?

• Is our analysis plausible?

• Have you come across a similar form / meaning in your language?

• Is there any reported case of an “absolute achievement suffix” in another language?

• Any feedback on the function of the odd coverb slot filled by -Ø, -ma, and -wi?

• How do we treat the rare occurrences of -wi on nominals and verbs?

• Could -wi have something to do with spatial or path reference?

• Any other suggestions?

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Literature

Cook, Anthony Ruggles (1987). Wagiman Matyin: a description of the Wagiman language (PhD Thesis). Melbourne: La Trobe University.

Koch, Harold; Rachel Nordlinger (eds.) (2014). The Languages and Linguistics of Australia: A Comprehensive Guide. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.

Merlan, Francesca C. (1994). A Grammar of Wardaman: A Language of the Northern Territory of Australia. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Wilson, Stephen (1999). Coverbs and Complex Predicates in Wagiman. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

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