How Do the Young People Picture Out Their Use,
Activeness, and Connectivity on Social Media? A Discourse Analysis Approach
Wahyudi Rahmat 1, Refa Lina Tiawati1, Edwar Kemal1,
Ricci Gemarni Tatalia1, Harizqi Azri1, and Yosi Wulandari2
Abstract
In the past few years, young people have been using social media platforms to inform, share, and deliver their feelings. However, social media platforms like Facebook lost popularity among the young generations. Now, they prefer to interact via social media sites, such as Instagram, as narrative-based features. This study explores how young people use social media to their daily concerns. This article employs an anthropological methodology and dis- course analysis to investigate the social media discourses among Padang’s young people. As the capital of West Sumatra, Indonesia, Padang city provides a warm and welcoming envi- ronment for the young generation, making it an ideal place to grow spiritually and socially.
Therefore, these young people’s participation in the platforms are inuenced by the issues reecting their daily life. Nevertheless, it is considered that some of their behaviors can be explained by the trend of increased social media usage among their citizens.
Keywords
discourse analysis, social media, young people
1Faculty of Social Science and Humanities, Universitas PGRI Sumatera Barat, Padang, Indonesia
2Fakultas Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan, Universitas Ahmad Dahlan, Yogyakarta, Indonesia Corresponding Author:
Wahyudi Rahmat, Faculty of Social Science and Humanities, Universitas PGRI Sumatera Barat, Jl. Gn.
Pangilun, Padang 25111, Indonesia.
Email: [email protected]
Journal of Communication Inquiry 1–24
© The Author(s) 2023 Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI: 10.1177/01968599231174848 journals.sagepub.com/home/jci
Introduction
The decrease in the popularity of social media platforms among users is a natural phe- nomenon. The decline in users is concentrated in younger generations or generations where social media grew up with them. Social media platforms like Facebook, for instance, are seeing a decline in interest from people aged 15–17 but an increase in users in the 2000s generation, as the average member of that generation is still active on Facebook (Deeken et al., 2020; Longobardi et al., 2020; Saunders &
Eaton, 2018; Suharni et al., 2022; Wirtz et al., 2021). Instead, young people choose to interact with one another through social media sites such as Instagram and TikTok (Haenlein et al., 2020; Montag et al., 2021; Mou & B.E., 2020), specif- ically through narrative-based features such as Insta Story and TikTok Story. This change has been the focus of various groups’ studies (Engeln et al., 2020; Laor, 2022; Lin et al., 2020). Even though research has attempted to explain these patterns, most of these studies use large-scale surveys to infer more broad factors driving the shift. One common line of reasoning put out by various pieces of research is that Facebook has lost its leadership position in the social media space (Allcott et al., 2019; Ayaburi & Treku, 2020; Seargeant & Tagg, 2019; Welbers & Opgenhaffen, 2018), and other research explains that technological improvements, such as the use of social media, are a key driver of the transition (Agostino et al., 2020; Gopal et al., 2019; Gupta & Bose, 2022; Nordin & Norman, 2018; Ottman et al., 2023).
However, even though these explanations might be able to account for large-scale patterns of social media use, it is not entirely clear how well they explain activities on a more local level, such as how contextual factors, such as the individuals’
social networks or identities, can inuence and constrain their digital practices (Greenhow et al., 2019; Manca et al., 2021; Simonofski et al., 2021). Few studies, however, have taken a sociolinguistic approach to investigate how the discursive architecture of digital platforms explains user behavior. Thus, while current methods can reveal which platforms attract the most users, they are unable to explain why individuals visit a given website or how their online actions relate to or even replace their real-world counterparts (Lavertu et al., 2020; Weinstein et al., 2021; Yang et al., 2021).
This study describes the social media use by young people in Padang city.
Social media is considered a new media because it is one of the media that utilizes Internet technology. It is considered as a new media that attracts more people’s attention in various circles. It also becomes one of the platforms that disseminate information quickly and relatively inexpensively, so as to change the pattern of information dissemination in various media. Consequently, the young people in Padang City are very procient in using internet-based technology (Asty et al., 2021; Yendra et al., 2018). This condition has already made them addicted to the activity of surng in social media. This addiction makes them feel at home for long opening social media via smartphones or tablets. Social media that teen- agers often use today include Instagram, Facebook, Twitter, Line, and others. It is
also by some active groups in social media use Padang name such as motorcycle community, car community, cooking community, and bird community. These communities are active to meet to discuss and share their experience and new thing.
The problem of social media use by young people in Padang City can be lighted on by this study, before analyzing the current condition of these phenomena for the larger social context. Padang city serves as the provincial capital of West Sumatra Province, which can be found in Indonesia on the westernmost tip of the island of Sumatra (Padang.go.id, 2016). The legend of Malin Kundang and the story of Siti Nurbaya, both, of which are located in Padang city, are largely credited to the city’s development as an artistic and cultural center (Maryelliwati et al., 2022;
Rahmat & Maryelliwati, 2019). The Indonesian people generally link the word Padang with the ethnic Minangkabau group and a traditional delicacy food known as Padang cuisine (Maryelliwati et al., 2022). Padang city also provides a warm and welcoming environment for young people. It makes an ideal place to grow spir- itually, socially, and in terms of their community (Rahmat et al., 2021). Based on the above information, it can be seen that although the young people of Padang are active on their social media, but in their daily life, they still maintain their local wisdom or traditional habit for the people (Indraddin et al., 2019; Karson et al., 2021; Kemal et al., 2020). This condition has already shown that the development of culture and technology develop well in Padang city. They support each other in the building of the habit or character of Padang people. Therefore, the city has already facilitated the young people with culture and technology so that they could be avoided the neg- ative actions such as criminal,ghting, and bullying. This city could give the devel- opment of the soul and social community development for each person living in this city.
This study will describe how the use, activeness, and connectivity of young people in Padang city on their social media. It looks at how young people’s talk about various online hangouts reveals important insights about such spaces using sociolinguistics eth- nography (Barakos, 2019; CohenMiller & Boivin, 2022; Klöter & Söderblom Saarela, 2020). There are some justications this study becomes important to conduct, for example: rstly, Padang is a well-known city as a religious and cultured city where it means the traditional culture and local wisdom are very maintained by the society in daily life activities (Gunawan et al., 2019; Wahyono & Hutahayan, 2020); secondly, this city is also open for the development of technology and trends where it is proved by many young people active communities grow well in social media and they are also active to meet periodically in certain places they love to meet (Barendregt, 2002;
Carley et al., 2016); thirdly, this city has already shown a combination how the tech- nology and culture or local wisdom walk together in the attitudes or character (Hasan & Suwarni, 2012) of Padang city society, especially young people, in their daily activities.
Data are gathered from a sociolinguistic ethnography to investigate how young people talk about the different kinds of online communities. The rst step in this
ethnographic technique is to provide a brief overview of previous studies on the devel- opment of social media. The second step is to make the detailed study’s research setting and methodology. After that, analyzing the social media discourses used by young people in Padang City and relate them to the context of the actual experiences of these young people. Finally, consider how thesendings expand our conception of social and digital media as a blended reality, where online platforms augment young people’s ofine interactional environments.
The Change of Users in Social Media Trends
Evidence from research points to an ascending trend in social media usage, particu- larly during the COVID-19 time frame. Millennials are moving away from Facebook in favor of more contemporary app-based sites such as Instagram and TikTok, which focus on visual content. However, this preference shift has occurred simultaneously with the gradual decline in the number of users who t within this age range.
Therefore, researchers have investigated why people use different platforms to com- prehend these developments better. On the other hand, recent technological advances have been connected to similar alterations in culture (Dabija et al., 2018; Grewal et al., 2020; Shen et al., 2019; Vitelar, 2019). For example, the increase in Facebook usage among young people is attributed to the widespread adoption of smartphone technology. As a result, there has been a rise in smartphone use among this demographic. An increase in the number of young people using social media sites such as Instagram and TikTok is likely the result of two trends: the
rst is a move toward platforms that take advantage of the affordances of modern smartphones, and the second is a move toward platforms that specically target younger audiences (Diehl et al., 2019; Lee & Lee, 2020; Rahmat et al., 2022;
Tiawati et al., 2022; World Health Organization, 2020).
Nevertheless, although many studies have uncovered broad-level patterns in the uti- lization of social media, many studies have also indicated that there are more ne- grained societal reasons for the shift. For example, the longitudinal study by Dhir and Tsai (2017), one study that illustrates this point well looked at how young adults use Facebook. According to their analysis, Facebook is a widely used form of computer-mediated communication that is particularly popular among adults and teen- agers. On the other hand, many others believed that Facebook was solely used for mundane social tasks such as keeping track of friends’birthdays. According to the authors, this new function exemplies how Facebook has transformed from a platform that is less concerned with sharing personal information and more concerned with man- aging personal data (Faisol et al., 2022).
Ethnographic research on social media usage shows that individuals’online and ofine actions are inextricably intertwined. As the research has continued, this has become more evident. For example, Neag and Supa (2020), there have been many studies on the emotional behaviors and perceptions of young migrants’ social media usage. This essay builds on ethnographic research with young people in
Europe who haveed their home countries in Africa and the Middle East, focusing on their use of social media and the emotional practices of ethnography. They likely used these emotional rituals to help them deal with migration’s emotional ups and downs.
In particular, Neag and Supa (2020) said that the emotional practices of young refu- gees from Africa and Middle Eastern nations living in Europe could not be separated from them while using social media. This is because emotional practices are inter- twined. This article demonstrates that a person’s experience of being unaccompanied and their expression of emotions online are inuenced by factors other than their migration experience (Putra et al., 2021; Wincana et al., 2022). One of the article’s main points is that unaccompanied children are more likely to express negative emo- tions online. Because of this, it is essential to consider certain elements connected to nature and complexity.
Various studies have highlighted the role teenagers’social networks and sense of identity play in determining how much they engage with social media. Culture and Social Media in the Twenty-First Century is a Groundbreaking Ethnography of Contemporary Youth Culture, Uski and Lampinen (2016); other media research has also emphasized the role of social networks and identity in constraining social media use among adolescents in a seminal ethnography of youth culture and social media. According tondings presented by Uski and Lampinen, strategic self- presentation on social networking sites is congured by technical affordances and corresponding social norms (2016). The nding on this literature review, state that, the role of social networks and identity in constraining social media use among adolescents in a seminal ethnography of youth culture and social media.
Uski and Lampinen present the research that examines how young people in Finland use social media sites like Facebook and Last. FM to talk about and discover new music. Theynd that young people's strategic self-presentation online is con-
gured by technical affordances and corresponding social norms. They argue that while social constraints around material sharing vary, the sociocultural goal of social networks on identity remains the same. They argue this via online communities.
The previous studies show that there are many studies that have already discussed the trends of social media toward the media point of view or approach. However, this research does not investigate how young people’s discourses on social media plat- forms affect their actions. It infers general social and technological causes for the change based on large-scale surveys. These reasons include the following: the general nding that younger generations are more involved in social media than their parents were at the same age gives rise to these considerations. In this section, we make use of the concepts that are central to sociolinguistic ethnography to gain a better understanding of how young people in Padang city participate in online conversations. We aim to understand better how young people in Padang city participate in online conversations because this will help us better serve them.
Padang city gives spaces for creative expression as well as social expression inside the constraints of a thick culture, which always keeps them away from cultures
that could be damaging to their well-being. This also helps cultivate the younger gen- eration’s creativity and makes it a welcoming environment for them to use interac- tional social, social media, and technical motives. In addition, doing so assists in the process of growing both one’s spirit and one’s social and community life simul- taneously. To be more precise, it will investigate how social media components are blended into the traditional modes of communication that young people in the city of Padang use.
Method
The information and data used in this research were collected from young people coming into GOR H. Agus Salim Park in Padang City. They love to come to the food and drink food station. They are also called“Coffee Shop customers. It is because they love to drink coffee and sit in the coffee shop for a long time. People in their undergraduate years typ- ically unwind at the end of a long day by having a cup of coffee and catching up with friends in a coffee shop. This research could be considered a “blended” ethnographic project since it mixes ofine and online data to investigate how people’s digital activities are absorbed into their day-to-day lives. Blended ethnographic projects combine data from many sources. On the other side, digital ethnographers have a distinct approach that con- centrates solely on life on the internet (Akemu & Abdelnour, 2020; De Seta, 2020; Varis &
Hou, 2019). Although studying the habits of young people in the real and virtual world, such as youth groups, coffee shops in Taman GOR H. Agus Salim, and social media, we act as observers of these participants and members of this demographic. Over a hundred different stories are submitted to Instagram Story and TikTok Story, all of which are available to be randomly selected from 20 to 50 posts saved by screenshots and then analyzed with the sociolinguistic ethnographic approach of the text present in the screenshot. A user’s Insta story is any public post they make to their Instagram account that lasts 24 h and can be seen by their followers. I also immersed myself in the alleged digital culture of young people and collected examples of Instagram proles and stories for use in this study.
Naturalistic recordings were gathered through casual interviews and data obtained from social media networks. This paper draws heavily on data collected through semi- structured interviews with ten young adults (ages 15–22) (ve female,ve male). After receiving consent, the youth group and the participant agreed to participate. All of the interviews were conducted in a relaxed, conversational tone. Questions covered various topics, including individuals’backgrounds, passions, social circles, and engagement with digital communities. Everyone is given a pseudonym, and their names are changed and encrypted to protect their privacy. Atrst, the interviews were transcribed.
The collected data were then searched for keywords relating to social media site names (such as“Facebook”) and variations of the term“social media,”which led researchers to the most relevant discussions. Next, the content found on social media was given a theme coding in NVIVO (Alam, 2021; Feng & Behar-Horenstein, 2019; Mortelmans, 2019; Mulyaningsih et al., 2022; Westby, 2021). Then the analysis was given a context
by referring to the larger anthropological research and the considerableeldwork done in the community. For example, Padang City’s GOR H. Agus Salim Park is the location of the“Coffee Shop Customer”base of operations (see Figure 1). In recent years, GOR H. Agus Salim Park has become a prominent hub for gastronomic experiences and social gatherings within the city. Individuals in commonly relax at the conclusion of an extended day by consuming a cup of coffee and socializing with peers at a coffee establishment. Every night, fty and one hundred young people may be found in this place. Most were from the estate, and many would participate in sessions to play football, jogging, or hang out. They are using social media as the relevance of all social activities included in their every upload (Figure 2). More specically, this examines the prevalent discourses of social media platforms on the social realities of young people, and the lived experiences they had while growing up in an inner-city neighborhood in Padang City’s GOR H. Agus Salim Park.
Result
The Relevance of Social and Digital Media at Padang City’s GOR H. Agus Salim Park
In January 2022, as many as 191 million people were living in Indonesia using social media platforms, according to a report published by We Are Social
Figure 1. View of GOR H. Agus Salim Park.
(Unimus, 2022). Thisgure was derived from the number of people who actively used social media platforms in Indonesia’s numerous provinces, including the city of Padang and several other large and small cities in Indonesia. Social media users are increasingly becoming a new trend for emerging countries like Indonesia, which has resulted in this phenomenon being equitably dispersed throughout the region. Compared to the previous year’s total population of 170 million individuals, this gure has climbed by 12.35%. Due to the enormous number of new users in the region and the appearance of new users with their most up-to-date gadgets, the number of social media users in Indonesia continues to expand every year, which may be seen as a trend.
Between 2014 and 2022, its rate of increase was inconsistent (Unimus, 2022).
Furthermore, in the year 2017, the rate of growth in the number of people using social media platforms hit a peak of 34.2%. Nevertheless, the growth rate reduced to 6.3% in the year 2021. Therefore, large-scale studies must regularly show that Indonesian adolescents have a deep immersion in social media, with many of them making substantial use of digital technologies in their everyday contacts (Berakon et al., 2022; Harisanty et al., 2021; Maryelliwati et al., 2018; Muranti &
Sugihartono, 2020). Unfortunately, the media have frequently interpreted these tenden- cies as proof that young people are fascinated with technology, prompting many to con- clude that adolescents are addicted to smartphones and social media (Ilan, 2020; Laurie et al., 2019; Yunus et al., 2019).
Figure 2. Screenshot of 2 an Interviewee on Insta Story About Her Existence or Her Most Recent Accomplishments.
This expectation of participants’social media engagements was greatly affected by researcher routines because the researcher is strongly involved in digital culture.
Although an academic study on the subject has called into question the discourses of young people’sxation with social media (Adorjan & Ricciardelli, 2021; Byron, 2020; Miltner & Gerrard, 2022), researchers are not immune to the inuence of these narratives. Therefore, it appears that the researcher’s prejudices as an aca- demic heavily immersed in digital culture had signicantly inuenced preconceived conceptions of what young people should be doing. As a result, the young people did not appear to have the same interest in digital culture and social media as antic- ipated. On the other hand, technology and digital culture played a less signicant part in the context of young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park. Conversations recorded during interviews focused on social media. However, it was only briey mentioned as one of the friends’ modes of engagement. Many young people regard social media as a convenient, efcient, and unspectacular medium of social- ites that is used to contact friends. To understand this development better, research- ers have investigated why people use different platforms and chose two interviewers as an explanation of what researchers mean (see datum 1 for an example of this):
Datum 1
Interviewer Do you use social media?
Interviewee Yeah! It’s common knowledge that everyone uses social media.
This interview should focus on social and digital media topics. This included queries about what was thought to be prevalent digital issues, such as the recent Instagram post by Jungkook of BTS. However, when I presented this information to the participants, they showed little interest in the subject. When participants engaged in extensive dis- cussions concerning social media content, they tended to focus on events in Indonesia’s society. For example, a few of the people I questioned had in-depth knowledge of a situation involving the Indonesian artist community. They followed “entertainment channels”on Instagram or TikTok, both social media platforms. Most of these conver- sations would focus on issues about the immediate Indonesian trending or, more broadly.
Social media is a relatively commonplace feature of life for young people, which may be one potential explanation for the lack of involvement with digital themes.
Because they came of age in an era where using social media as a form of communi- cation is the norm, digital technologies are now deeply ingrained in their everyday communicative repertoires. Consequently, they could not see any purpose in com- menting on what they considered to be an inconsequential manner of contact. At the same time, the internet and social media were considered innovative (Aljawarneh, 2020; Bhimani et al., 2019; Krajčovič, 2019; Papa et al., 2018;
Suharni et al., 2022). This line of thinking appears to be reinforced by the comments
made by HR in datum 1, where he asserts that“It’s general knowledge that everyone utilizes social media.”
On the other hand, their lack of engagement may reect more localized societal problems. One problem that is particularly important to consider in this context is the extent to which socioeconomic constraints inuence and are a constraint on an individual’s participation in digital habits. Young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park are located on a social housing estate, and most of the young people may be described as “students while working.” If not all young people, then most of themt this description. Even though data plans and cell phones are now readily available, many young people do not have the nancial resources to purchase these items. They are still economically dependent on their parent’s income.
Instead, a handful of the younger people had access to data on their phones, but several utilized phones passed down from their parents. Therefore, it is probable that their general apathy in addressing things related to digital culture could indicate a difculty in obtaining online content and a more general avoidance of other forms of digital culture.
In making these arguments, however, we are not attempting to minimize digital cul- ture’s impact on adolescents’lives. Even though the young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park may not have exhibited the signicant orientation toward a digital culture that wasrst anticipated, it is abundantly obvious that digital technology and social media are rmly ingrained in this life generation. For example, their most recent Instagram post, a prominent subject of conversation, is among the young people in the youth group. In addition, a signicant amount of There, they would spend hours interacting with content on social media platforms, listening to music through streaming services, or watching videos on streaming websites such as YouTube (Faisol et al., 2022). This argument is that they were not uncommon in their use of social media, nor was it symptomatic of a generation preoccupied with technology.
Discourses on Social Media
Although topics on aspects of social media as digital habits generated little discussion in this interview session, the participants provided clear descriptions of the social media platforms they used and the specic types of conversations deemed suitable for plat- forms. This was done even though there was little discussion on aspects of social media as digital habits. However, in contrast to the intricate social media repertoires seen in other areas, the young people I interacted with at the young people’s GOR H. Agus Salim Park were noted to use a far more limited variety of platforms. This was seen during the event. Despite this, the platforms they chose to use, such as Instagram or TikTok, usually matched the tendencies discovered in large-scale studies. We rarely saw people using Facebook, and no one was seen using or reported using Twitter. Instead, participants stated that they only used a limited number of appli- cations, as seen in datum 2:
Datum 2
Interviewer What do you use in terms of social media? Do you use Facebook?
Interviewee 1 No, I do not use that. I used IG (Instagram), WhatsApp, and TikTok Interviewee 2 No, I used Instagram and WhatsApp for communication
Interviewee 3 Me Too
In datum 2, Interviewee 1rst mentions people in three platforms: IG/Instagram, WhatsApp, and TikTok. An exclamation follows this from Interviewee 2, stating that she does not use“that/Facebook”(No, I used Instagram and WhatsApp for com- munication), and a comment from Interviewee 3 agreeing with their mutual friends. It was found through interviews and ethnographic observations that most of the young people’s online interactions were conned to the applications mentioned above, with all the young people reporting or being seen using TikTok, Instagram, and WhatsApp. Given that each of these platforms is primarily accessed through a mobile application and also makes use of the capabilities of modern smartphones (e.g. the built-in camera function), the popularity of these platforms is likely something that can be predicted based on the widespread adoption of mobile technology among the target audience (Curtis et al., 2019; Dasgupta & Grover, 2019; Kaye et al., 2021).
However, although these apps mostly focus on images or visuals, young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park use them for several other functions, including direct mes- saging. An unrecorded chat with Interviewee 2 hints that she only used two of these applications, saying things like“I used Instagram and WhatsApp for communication,” which provides insight into these apps’multifunctionality. In her response, she empha- sized the many different functions that may be accomplished with these two programs.
Both platforms allowed her to snap pictures, write and send messages, make phone calls, and view the stories that her friends had posted. She did not see “any value” in utilizing other platforms because these two apps combined the affordances of other apps (such as WhatsApp) that are primarily text-based; she gave an example.
These statements may explain why many young people use a signicantly smaller number of social media platforms than others (Beyens et al., 2020; Boczkowski et al., 2018; Pouwels et al., 2021; Verbeij et al., 2021). In other words, even though members of previous generations have witnessed the gradual domestication of various platforms over time, this demographic has always been exposed to social media. As a result, they can choose from various platforms based on the ease and quick- ness with which they can interact with others on those platforms.
Facebook Is No Longer Perceived to Be a “Cool” Social Media Site
Throughout the interviews, a consistent theme emerged: the assertion that Facebook is no longer seen as a cool social media site. Few participants claimed they had been active Facebook users in the past, and many concluded that the site had become archaic. Consider, for example, fact number three, gleaned from a discussion
between a 17-year-old Interviewee 1 and a 16-year-old Interviewee 1 about the ques- tion,“what digital platforms do you use?”:
Datum 3
Interviewer What do you use in terms of social media? Do you use Facebook?
Interviewee 1 I do, but I don’t use it. It’s old. If I used it, it is just used only to watch videos Interviewee 2 Facebook is passed, and my friends use Facebook now.
In this excerpt, when they use his social networks (Instagram, WhatsApp, and TikTok), they explicitly ask the interviewee whether they use Facebook. Even though they admit that they have a Facebook account, they do not include Facebook as a platform they regularly use since they believe it is outdated. They then recognize that they use the platform solely to watch videos. The interviewee must not consider viewing videos the same as using Facebook. They likely know that his self-reported conduct is somewhat divorced from the primary function of Facebook, which is social connection. If so, that could be one explanation for why they framed it in this way. The only purpose that users claim to utilize the platform for is the nonsocial activ- ity of watching videos, even though Facebook enables users to accomplish a range of social activities (such as sending messages, publishing images and updates, and con- necting with friends). Therefore, his use of Facebook appears to be more comparable to that of video-sharing sites like YouTube, which do not primarily encourage users to connect in a social setting.
However, although the interviewee’s statements may appear somewhat inconsis- tent, we noticed similar uses of Facebook among other people. Even though it was seen that some were logging onto Facebook when the accounts were accessed, the proles were frequently empty, with very little or no personal information included.
Few of them even had prole images, and none actively posted photos updated their statuses or made any other changes to their proles. Rather, persons who utilized the site reported using Facebook in ways comparable to the interviewee’s to watch videos or access a social group or entertainment show. Therefore, even though some participants might have had accounts, it did not appear that they were using Facebook to engage in social contact (Andalibi et al., 2018; Faisol &
Rahmat, 2021; Lavis & Winter, 2020; Orben et al., 2020; O’Day & Heimberg, 2021).
Instagram Is Evaluated as Much Easier to Use by Participants
It is probably not unexpected, given the proliferation of newer multifunctional social networking programs that Facebook is now beginning to lose its dominance in the market. All the people who utilized Facebook as an active social media platform are now switching to either Instagram or TikTok as their platform of choice for engaging
in social interaction while online. This includes leaving comments on the postings made by friends, submitting photos to stories, and sending direct messages to one another. However, because these sites (such as Instagram) were already substantially ingrained in the digital repertoires of the users, less enthusiastic response was given.
Nevertheless, inquiries concerning Facebook drew a variety of passionate answers.
However, when it came to Instagram, this was not the case. Rather, when these plat- forms (such as Instagram) were discussed, they were normally referred to in terms of the society of networked users that use these apps, as well as for their ability to facilitate an extension of the ofine social networks, practices, and interactions that persons par- ticipated in.
Most young people could communicate with others interested in the same varieties of music, style, and youth subculture because of the content posted on these platforms.
This allowed them to stay abreast of the most recent happenings and issues in the immediate or larger area (Sari et al., 2021). For instance, many people said that they followed entertainment venues’streams on Instagram to hear brand-new entertainment releases. Other people said that they followed the accounts of local artists who worked in the area so they could participate in forums about the content that those artists uploaded to reality. At other times, some of the younger people would get together to see stories about people who did not attend the youth group but were known to the individuals who went to the club or to the people who went to a separate hangout in the neighborhood. Therefore, in many ways, Instagram was perceived as being able to encourage relationships that went beyond the ofine limitations of youth groups, thereby building a connected network of users in the local area. See datum 4:
Datum 4
Interviewer So, do you communicate with anyone on Instagram?
Interviewee No, I talk to people that I know
In datum 4, an interviewee who is 17 years old says he only uses Instagram to com- municate with people he already knows from other ofine settings. These settings include university and football clubs. Even if he mentioned previously in the conver- sation that he utilizes social media to remain up to date with sports matches, he does not pretend to connect with users he does not know. Indeed, the person interviewed was frequently observed engaging in conversation on Instagram. Most of his stories included him chronicling various elements of his day-to-day life, such as going to school or playing football in the park.
When participants were asked to explain their reasons for using Instagram, several provided similar justications. During my ethnographic research, I asked young indi- viduals to show me instances of their Instagram accounts. When they did so, I noticed that the young people’s proles did not contain old posts. Instead, they had posted on
their prole from the most recent few months. When I questioned the young people about this, many gave similar explanations. They were confused as to why it was important to save photographs taken many years before when they did not resemble that version of themselves at all. However, they were able to build an accurate and genuine portrayal of themselves in the here and now by removing posts that were no longer relevant to the conversation.
How Discourses Inuence and Shape the Content of Their Social Media Posts
Up to this point, we have concentrated our attention entirely on the discourses of social media, specically concerning the many kinds of platforms that young people were observed to utilize. As mentioned in the previous subchapter, for several young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park, social media was not utilized to engage with the same nonlocal digital group but rather as a means of staying up to date with events happening in the immediate neighborhood and Padang more generally. In this section, we trace how these discourses inuence and shape the content of their social media posts, focusing on posts extracted from Insta Story. As mentioned in the previous section, social media was not used to engage with non-locals but to keep up to date (Figure 1).
The screenshot depicts Interviewee 1, who shows where and what he is doing with his hangout friends at the university. She is making assignments in the library while expressing her displeasure with the assignments he received in lectures. In this case, he said that“Namanya juga belajar, kalua ga diajar yang di hajar, wkwk”(this is learn- ing; if he is not taught, he is beaten badly wkwk [a satire on laughs out loud]).” Likewise, Interviewee 2 showed her presence and what he did with his friends hanging out with the situation on campus. In his upload, Interviewee 2 also stated his existence about the curve and his situation at a university in the city of Padang
“Habis dari kampus lanjut ke GOR buat cari makan dan healing (emotional laugh) (After leaving campus, continue to GOR tond food and healing).”This post is rep- resentative of more general trends in the corpus. In this object, the locale of social media content in Padang City is Interviewee young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park. Lived experiences of Padang. These posts are intended to be viewed by an imag- ined audience of peers who share similar concerns and positioning to their friends.
Therefore, social media aim to provide a platform for young people to express their personalities and experience that go beyond the purview of the real world. This story is told style of social media could also be seen in the large extent to which a lot of the Instagram posts and Insta story posts that young people were posting were not highly performed and immaculate seles, but rather were images that documented aspects of the user’s point of view. I observed this phenomenon while observing young people using Insta stories. Young people often nd themselves in situations that may be described as ordinary or mundane. For instance, Figure 1 shows a selection of posts from two users’ Instagram Stories. Users have chronicled their day-to-day
activities in each of these articles. For example, after college breaks, they hang out at GOR, and other users do their homework at the library at the university.
The material found in these two examples is not particularly noteworthy. Yet, the stories told in these postings are typical of the ones that young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park upload. The content of the stories appears to be a reference to the earlier argument that social media is not considered spectacular but is rather deeply embedded in young people’s everyday communicative practices. This argument was made about the mundane and everyday nature of the content of the stories. These self-presentations support the contention that the young people at GOR H. Agus Salim Park are not documenting some alternative or stylized identity but are utilizing the intersubjective nature of the story to articulate to their contemporaries their perspective and experiences of the world around them (Georgakopoulou, 2021; McRoberts et al., 2017; Vázquez-Herrero et al., 2019; Villaespesa & Wowkowych, 2020).
The extent to which the stories in posts on social media are expressly personalized by referencing a particular time or location is another way in which the storytelling style of this content can be observed. For example, as seen in Figure 1, the users add geolocation tags or graphics that root the tale within a particular spatial frame (GOR), and the emoji responses laugh at the tags or stickers. The subsequent step is for users to use the textual and visual affordances of Insta Story and the ephemeral quality of stories to share their here-and-now experiences. Instead of presenting a well- crafted identity, they are meant to be understood as genuine portrayals of their day-to-day lives rather than as creative self-expression. Therefore, as suggested in the discourses that emerge from the interviews with young people, social media facil- itates an extension of the social networks, interactions, and engagements that they par- ticipate in the so-called ofine environments, such as the youth club or school. This is consistent with what is suggested in the discourses that emerge from the interviews with young people.
Conclusion
This paper investigated how young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park, located in Padang city, talk about social media. We have contextualized the movement away from Facebook and toward image-rst applications like Instagram by analyzing the dis- cursive representation of various platforms. We have argued that even though specic overall trends, such as shifting evaluations of Facebook as a cool social media platform, can explain the digital practices of the young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park, Padang city, the socioeconomic variables and personal experiences of the users equally contribute to their selection and use of platforms. This is because the young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park live in Padang city.
Further, we have suggested that the success of Instagram may be seen as sympto- matic of both the image-rst affordances of the apps and their multifunctionality.
This was done by investigating the local incentives for this transition. Specically, among young people in GOR H. Agus Salim Park, visual content on social media
was highly authentic. Adolescents value the image-based affordances of these apps to narrate an authentic representation of the everyday. Thisnding suggests that young people in this area attributes high authenticity to visual social media content.
Declaration of Conicting Interests
The author declared no potential conicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/
or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received nonancial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
ORCID iD
Wahyudi Rahmat https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1955-3214
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