The Cambridge Handbook of Personal Relationships
The Cambridge Handbook of Personal Relation- shipsserves as a benchmark of the current state of scholarship in this dynamic field, synthesizing the extant theoretical and empirical literature, trac- ing its historical roots, and making recommenda- tions for future directions. The volume addresses a broad range of established and emerging topics, including theoretical and methodological issues that influence the study of personal relationships;
research and theory on relationship development;
the nature and functions of personal relation- ships across the life span; individual differences and their influences on relationships; relationship processes such as cognition, emotion, and com- munication; relational qualities such as satisfac- tion and commitment; environmental influences on personal relationships; and maintenance and repair of relationships. The authors are experts from a variety of disciplines, including several subfields of psychology, communication, family studies, and sociology, who have made major con- tributions to the understanding of relationships.
Anita L. Vangelisti is a professor in the Depart- ment of Communication Studies at the Uni-
versity of Texas at Austin. Her work focuses on the associations between communication and emotion in the context of close, personal rela- tionships. She has published numerous arti- cles and chapters and has edited several books.
Vangelisti has served on the editorial boards of over a dozen scholarly journals and has received recognition for her research from the National Communication Association and the International Society for the Study of Personal Relationships.
Daniel Perlman is an academic psychologist with broad, applied interests that cut across social, developmental, and clinical psychology as focused on the study of close relationships.
He is a professor of Family Studies and also teaches in the Department of Psychology at the University of British Columbia. He was presi- dent of the International Society for the Study of Personal Relationships and the Canadian Psy- chological Association. He has authored more than 5 0 articles, edited or authored 15 books, and been the editor or associate editor for four journals.
The Cambridge Handbook of Personal Relationships
Edited by
Anita L. Vangelisti and
Daniel Perlman
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, S˜ao Paulo Cambridge University Press
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The Cambridge handbook of personal relationships / edited by Anita L. Vangelisti, Daniel Perlman.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
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1. Interpersonal relations – Handbooks, manuals, etc. 2. Interpersonal communication – Handbooks, manuals, etc. 3. Social psychology – Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Vangelisti, Anita L. II. Perlman, Daniel.
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Contents
Preface pageix
Ellen Berscheid
Contributors xvii
p a r t i
INTRODUCTION
1. Personal Relationships: An
Introduction 3
Daniel Perlman Anita L. Vangelisti
p a r t ii
FOUNDATIONS FOR STUDYING RELATIONSHIPS
2. The Seven Seas of the Study of Personal Relationships: From
“The Thousand Islands” to
Interconnected Waterways 11 Daniel Perlman
Steve Duck
3. Theoretical Perspectives in the
Study of Close Relationships 3 5 John H. Harvey
Amy Wenzel
4. Research Methods for the Study of Personal Relationships 5 1 Mahnaz Charania
William J. Ickes
5. Advances in Data Analytic Approaches for Relationships Research: The Broad Utility of Hierarchical Linear
Modeling 7 3
Deborah A. Kashy Lorne Campbell David W. Harris
6. Relationship Typologies 9 1 C. Arthur VanLear
Ascan Koerner Donna M. Allen
p a r t iii
DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONSHIPS
7. From Courtship to Universal Properties: Research on Dating
and Mate Selection,19 5 0to2 0 0 3 113 Catherine A. Surra
Christine R. Gray
v
Tyfany M. J. Boettcher Nathan R. Cottle Adam R. West
8. The Affective Structure of
Marriage 13 1
John P. Caughlin Ted L. Huston
9. Divorce and Postdivorce
Relationships 15 7
Marilyn Coleman Lawrence Ganong Kim Leon
p a r t iv
RELATIONSHIPS ACROSS THE LIFE SPAN
1 0. Relationships in Early and
Middle Childhood 17 7
Willard W. Hartup
1 1. Personal Relationships in Adolescence and Early
Adulthood 19 1
W. Andrew Collins Stephanie D. Madsen
1 2. Close Relationships in Middle
and Late Adulthood 2 11
Rosemary Blieszner
p a r t v
INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES 1 3. Personality and Relationships: A
Temperament Perspective 2 3 1 Jeffry A. Simpson
Heike A. Winterheld Jennie Y. Chen 1 4. Attachment Theory,
Individual Psychodynamics, and Relationship
Functioning 2 5 1
Phillip R. Shaver Mario Mikulincer
1 5. “His” and “Her” Relationships? A Review of the Empirical
Evidence 2 7 3
Emily A. Impett Letitia Anne Peplau
1 6. The Intimate Same-Sex Relationships of Sexual
Minorities 2 9 3
Lisa M. Diamond
1 7. Family Relationships and
Depression 3 13
Deborah J. Jones Steven R. H. Beach Frank D. Fincham
p a r t vi
BASIC PROCESSES 1 8. Communication: Basic
Properties and Their Relevance to Relationship
Research 3 3 1
Alan L. Sillars Anita L. Vangelisti
1 9. Social Cognition in Intimate
Relationships 3 5 3
Garth J. O. Fletcher Nickola C. Overall Myron D. Friesen
2 0. Emotion in Theories of Close
Relationships 3 6 9
Sally Planalp Julie Fitness Beverley Fehr
2 1. Physiology and Interpersonal
Relationships 3 8 5
Timothy J. Loving Kathi L. Heffner Janice K. Kiecolt-Glaser
p a r t vii
INTERACTIVE PROCESSES 2 2. Self-Disclosure in Personal
Relationships 4 0 9
Kathryn Greene Valerian J. Derlega Alicia Mathews
2 3. Close Relationships and Social Support: Implications for the Measurement of Social
Support 4 2 9
Barbara R. Sarason Irwin G. Sarason
2 4. Understanding Couple Conflict 4 4 5 Galena H. Kline
Nicole D. Pleasant Sarah W. Whitton Howard J. Markman
2 5. Sexuality in Close Relationships 4 6 3 Susan Sprecher
F. Scott Christopher Rodney Cate
p a r t viii
THREATS TO RELATIONSHIPS
2 6. Loneliness and Social Isolation 4 8 5 Jenny de Jong Gierveld
Theo van Tilburg Pearl A. Dykstra
2 7. Stress in Couples: The Process of
Dyadic Coping 5 0 1
Carolyn E. Cutrona Kelli A. Gardner
2 8. Lying and Deception in Close
Relationships 5 17
Mark L. Knapp
2 9. Temptations and Threat:
Extradyadic Relations and
Jealousy 5 3 3
Abraham P. Buunk Pieternel Dijkstra
3 0. Violence and Abuse in Personal Relationships: Conflict, Terror, and Resistance in Intimate
Partnerships 5 5 7
Michael P. Johnson
p a r t ix
RELATIONAL QUALITIES
3 1. Relationship Satisfaction 5 7 9 Frank D. Fincham
Steven R. H. Beach
3 2. Romantic Love 5 9 5
Arthur Aron Helen E. Fisher Greg Strong
3 3. Commitment 6 15
Caryl E. Rusbult Michael K. Coolsen Jeffrey L. Kirchner Jennifer A. Clarke
3 4. Intimacy in Personal
Relationships 6 3 7
Jean-Philippe Laurenceau Brighid M. Kleinman
p a r t x CONTEXT
3 5. Social Networks and Personal
Communities 6 5 7
Graham Allan
3 6. Relationships in Home and Community Environments: A Transactional and Dialectic
Analysis 6 7 3
Barbara B. Brown Carol M. Werner Irwin Altman
3 7. Relationships, Culture, and
Social Change 6 9 5
Robin Goodwin Urmila Pillay
3 8. Personal Relationships: On and
Off the Internet 7 0 9
Jeffrey Boase Barry Wellman
p a r t xi
MAINTENANCE AND REPAIR OF RELATIONSHIPS
3 9. Maintaining Relationships 7 2 7 Daniel J. Canary
Marianne Dainton
4 0. The Treatment of Relationship Distress: Theoretical Perspectives and Empirical Findings 7 4 5 Donald H. Baucom
Norman B. Epstein Susan Stanton
p a r t xii CONCLUSION
4 1. Bringing It All Together: A
Theoretical Approach 7 6 9 Patricia Noller
Author Index 7 9 1
Subject Index 8 2 8
Preface
For volumes that review the present state of knowledge in dynamic, rapidly evolv- ing fields, the label handbook seems only marginally appropriate. When one thinks of a handbook, one visualizes a person hold- ing a plumbing manual in one hand and a wrench in the other and, after the leaky pipe has been fixed, putting the manual away for use another day, confident that the princi- ples of plumbing will not change substan- tially from one year to the next or even very much from one decade to the next.
Relationship science, in contrast, is a large and still loosely organized field that con- tinues to expand rapidly in all directions, its momentum fueled partly by the internal combustion provided by the theorists and researchers who form the core of the field and partly by scholars in other fields who rec- ognize the relevance of relationship theory and research to their own problems. Rela- tionship science is, in short, a nova in the heavens of the social, behavioral, and bio- logical sciences.
Not so long ago, the future of a field devoted to understanding interpersonal rela-
tionships was in doubt. As a consequence, and to be on the safe side, many of us adopted the convention of referring to the relationship field as “emerging,” a practice noted with exasperation in the late 19 8 0s by Steve Duck, the editor of the first rela- tionship handbook, the Handbook of Per- sonal Relationships(19 8 8). In his introduc- tory remarks, Duck took a deep breath and dared to declare that the field had emerged, putting its birth about 10 years earlier, in the late 19 7 0s. A second edition of that first handbook appeared 10 years later (Duck, 19 9 7) and only 3 years after that a relationship “sourcebook” edited by Clyde and Susan Hendrick (2 0 0 0) was pub- lished. In between and since, several edited topical “mini-handbooks” have been pub- lished, each devoted to a subject of special interest to relationship researchers, as Dan Perlman and Duck note in their historical review chapter in this book.
The continuing high volume of activity in the relationship field places a heavy bur- den on relationship scholars. There is too much to learn, and far too little time in
ix
which to learn it, for most of us to feel that we have anything but a tenuous grasp of the breadth and depth of the field or more than a dim appreciation of its current trajec- tory. There are too many books, too many journal articles, and too many conferences, preconferences, and workshops for anyone to take in. Hence the need for volumes that periodically, comprehensively, and con- cisely describe current activities in the field – handbooks, in other words, or perhaps more accurately, status reports – to help us fend off the feelings of defeat that precede retreat into more settled areas of inquiry.
A Book of Bets
In addition to surveying present activities in areas of interest to relationship schol- ars, many handbook contributors briefly describe the history of the area and some also attempt to predict its future. Histori- cal remarks are useful to newcomers to the field who, entering the relationship movie midstream, often wonder how the relation- ship field got to where it is (and why it took so long to get here). Forecasts of profitable future activities are especially useful to new recruits, many of whom are in the process of deciding where they might most profitably invest their scholarly efforts. A “bookmaker’s book of bets” is, in fact, a secondary defini- tion of the word handbook (Webster’s Col- legiateDictionary,10th ed., p.5 2 6). Indeed, and apart from the explicit predictions of future activity that some handbook con- tributors make, their descriptions of cur- rent activities in a specific problem area can be viewed as surveys of the bets individual researchers are currently making – where, in other words, one’s colleagues are gambling their professional and personal resources in the expectation that their investments will pay off by advancing relationship knowl- edge. It perhaps does not need saying that in performing the triage necessary for a con- cise report, some surveyors are better than others in identifying which current activi- ties are likely to be rewarding and which can
be omitted from their report because they promise to be a waste of time or, of course, that some researchers invest their resources more wisely than others. Histories of disci- plines, in fact, are simply accounts of schol- ars’ bets that paid off. Lost wagers are rarely mentioned.
It is to the prediction of profitable future activities that I address the remainder of these prefatory remarks because, like it or not, all scholars must be gamblers. To decide where to invest their time, energy, and other resources, they must make predictions about the kinds of theoretical, research, and service activities that are the surest bets to advance the field. This kind of gambling is a high- stakes activity, both for the individual and for the field, which perhaps is why so many scholarly conferences devote at least one ses- sion to “future directions” or some variant on that theme and so many journals periodically publish “forecast” articles and issues.
The Wild Cards
Making accurate predictions about a field’s future, especially predictions about the spe- cific research paths that will yield a sig- nificant payoff, is extraordinarily difficult.
It is hazardous, in fact. My thesis here is that the wild cards that so often trump the most carefully considered forecasts are dealt by powerful, pervasive, and slow-moving macroforces. Because these forces intensify so gradually (think of a hand in a bucket of water in which the temperature is slowly and imperceptibly increased to the boiling point), they are hard to identify even as they are exerting their massive and inexorable influence on scholars’ activities. I illustrate the point by describing some of the macro- forces that, I now see in retrospect, were beginning to gather strength when I became involved in relationship research more than half a century ago.
The seeds of at least three macroforces that would influence all of the social and behavioral sciences were beginning to ger- minate when, as an undergraduate English
major vaguely intending to go on to law school, I impulsively enrolled in a new sem- inar offered by the psychology department titled Perception and Cognition. I signed up for the seminar expecting it (don’t ask me why) to be a course in extrasensory per- ception and precognition. Although I spent much of the semester wondering when we were going to get to the interesting part, I wisely refrained from asking the professor, Paul Secord, for clarification and, persever- ing to the very end, I did well enough that Secord asked me if I would like a job as his research assistant. I had no idea what a research assistant did, but with another boring secretarial job looming on the sum- mer horizon, I was pleased to give it a whirl.
Secord could offer me a job as a research assistant because during the semester in which I was impatiently tapping my foot waiting to learn the secrets of clairvoyance, mind reading, and spoon bending, he had received word that he was to receive a research grant from the National Institute of Health–Public Health Service. I learned years later that both the topic of Secord’s seminar and his grant proposal had been influenced by his recent participation in the seminal symposium sponsored by the Office of Naval Research held at Harvard in March of19 5 7, resulting in the classic vol- ume edited by Tagiuri and Petrullo, Person Perception and Interpersonal Behavior(19 5 8).
Secord’s grant was among the first federal research grants ever made to the social and behavioral sciences. The gradual infusion of increasing amounts of federal research funds into the social and behavioral sciences that followed was to have enormous impact on what researchers in these disciplines did and how they did it.
Person perception and interpersonal attraction are intimate companions that together formed an important part of the nucleus of relationship science. My first task as a research assistant thus thrust me into relationship research. My job was to hand out slips of paper to a group of students, all strangers to one another, sitting around in a circle about to begin a discussion (of
pedagogical reform, no less). Each individ- ual’s slip listed certain other persons in the group who, supposedly as revealed by a per- sonality test taken earlier, probably would like the individual. After their (embarrass- ingly desultory) discussion, I handed out questionnaires that asked each person whom he or she liked now that they had become acquainted with the other group mem- bers. I learned later that the experiment had been stimulated by the proposition, advanced independently by Renato Tagiuri and Theodore Newcomb, that a fundamen- tal characteristic of the dyad is “congru- ency,” a prominent instance of which was believed to be the tendency for people to like those who like them. Backman and Sec- ord’s (19 5 9) results revealed that perception of another’s liking caused liking the other in return at first but the effect evaporated upon further interaction (and the additional infor- mation it provided).
The seeds of the second macroforce, one that was to transform research activities in all of the sciences, were reflected in another of my initial tasks. Sitting by a window, I was to take two cards from a box of rectan- gular cards on which someone had punched a lot of holes, sandwich them together, and then hold the pair up to the light and count the number of holes through which the sun shone. This took a very long time. A very, very long time. With his usual perspicac- ity, Secord had recognized the possibilities that lie in the university’s purchase of a card-punching machine. Unfortunately, no machine was available to make the com- parisons he needed, nor was there available a machine that could compute the needed statistics on the “similarity-of-holes” data (what it actually represented, I never knew).
I was to accomplish the latter by depressing the appropriate numbered keys on the top of a Friden calculating machine, which was about as large as a breadbox but consider- ably heavier, and then pulling the crank on its side almost18 0degrees to enter the num- bers into the gizzards of the machine. Sev- eral days of frenzied crank-pulling to obtain what seemed an endless series of correlation coefficients later sent me to the orthopedic
surgeon with what was diagnosed as “tennis elbow.”
Along with what has been called the golden age of federal research funding and the advent of the computer age, the seeds of the third potent macroforce were reflected in my own gender, which turned out to be a harbinger of the great migration of women into the sciences. Redress of the lopsided sex ratio of researchers in the social and behav- ioral sciences almost surely influenced the development of relationship research, for researchers usually enjoy working on prob- lems they personally care about; women, it has been documented, are more inter- ested in personal relationships than men are.
The entry of the other half of the human population into competition for graduate training and for jobs had another effect:
It almost surely increased the quality of researchers in the disciplines that were to contribute to relationship science. Com- petition for admission to graduate schools became increasingly intense, and today most applicants’ vitas are brimming with research publications, computer and statistical exper- tise; perfect grade point averages; outstand- ing GRE scores; extensive undergraduate coursework in psychology, sociology, and allied fields; and incredible (sometimes lit- erally) letters of recommendation. Many of my age cohort (including yours truly) sus- pect they would not be let in the door today.
Reflecting on the changes that have occurred over the past5 0years in the study of interpersonal relationships, it thus seems to me that the major transforming agents have been only secondarily individual the- orists and researchers. Rather, the prime movers in any field that influence who the theorists and researchers are (their personal characteristics and, indeed, their very num- ber), what these theorists and researchers do, and how they do it – and, therefore, the number, nature, and quality of the advances made in a field – are powerful, pervasive, slow-moving macroforces. These are almost impossible to identify in prospect and diffi- cult to identify even when they are quietly exerting their vast power. Indeed, their influ-
ence is rarely acknowledged even in retro- spect. Their monumental impact illustrates that relationship science, like a relationship itself, is an open system sensitive to pertur- bations not only in the systems that relation- ship science encompasses (e.g., the scholars working in each of the problem areas that comprise relationship science) but also in the larger, societal systems in which relation- ship science is nested. It is the forces gener- ated within these larger systems that so often crush the individual researcher’s bets on the future.
Variegated Effects of Macroforces Each of the individual macroforces I have named as influencing the relationship field over the past half century (and I make no claim the list is exhaustive) repre- sents a broad category of the types of changes that may forever alter the course of a research discipline – namely, changes in researchers’ monetary, time, or other resources to do what they do; changes in technology that affect how they do it; and changes in the number and characteristics of the researchers themselves. Each macro- force has had variegated effects; most have facilitated the field’s advance, but some have impeded it and are continuing to do so.
For example, the effects of federal research funding for social and behavioral research have not been wholly beneficial. One of its most unfortunate effects is that as uni- versities have become increasingly depen- dent on federal monies, many have come to see their researchers more as revenue- generating agents than as knowledge- generating scholars. Their employers’ view not only influences researchers’ choice of problem (increasingly determined by the vagaries of politics and the federal “social problem du jour” as opposed to research addressed to fundamental problems in the field) but also researchers’ approach to the problem (e.g., a quick return to be itemized in the next “progress report” to ensure con- tinued support).
Changes in technology are, of course, par- ticularly potent forces. The increasing power and sophistication of the computer not only has dramatically facilitated complex statis- tical analyses of data, it has also made pos- sible the development of new methods to investigate both new and old hypotheses.
For example, a decade or so after Backman and Secord’s (19 5 9) experiment, the failure to find evidence of liking reciprocity in a data set led a graduate student named David Kenny to develop what he called the social relations modeling (SRM) method (Kenny, 19 9 4, p.10 1); the liking reciprocity hypothe- sis was the first he investigated with the new method (Kenny & La Voie,19 8 2,19 8 4). The availability of the computer surely played a silent role, for one does not like to think about analyzing SRM data on a Friden calculator.
One especially does not like to think about performing the multiple regres- sion analyses now endemic in relationship research on a Friden calculator, although it must be said that the old iron breadbox had its virtues. Because calculating a cor- relation coefficient was laborious, one did not undertake the task unless one had ascer- tained, first, that the data met the necessary assumptions and, second, that one really, truly needed those coefficients, which meant that one knew exactly what one was going to make of them. Moreover, by the time one had finished calculating all the necessary statistics on a data set, one had gained great familiarity with it, including its warts and anomalies, which often tempered interpre- tation of those statistics and sometimes even precluded their report. Today, extraordinary amounts of data are automatically fed into a statistical software program (often selected by what is now commonly called a techni- cal advisor) that effortlessly but mindlessly churns out cornucopias of statistics, some of which have little or no real meaning but are interpreted as though they did.
The effects of one macroforce often inter- act with the effects of another. For exam- ple, the researcher’s need for federal research funding often interacts with the computeri- zation of statistical analysis to produce a sit-
uation social psychologist William McGuire (19 7 3) described some time ago:
The affluent senior researcher often [carries] out his work through graduate assistants and research associates, who, in turn, often have the actual observations done by parapsychological technicians or hourly help, and the data they collect go to card-punchers who feed them into computers, whose output goes back to the research associate, who might call the more meaningful outcomes to the attention of the senior researcher, who is too busy meeting the payrolls to control the form of the printout or look diligently through it when it arrives. (p.5 5 5)
Or, it should be added, too busy to certify that the data shoveled into the computer’s furnace meet each statistic’s assumptions.
The need to meet a statistic’s assumptions was brought home to me early in a sear- ing experience. After doing exactly what students are warned never to do – collect- ing data without first determining how they would be analyzed – Marshall Dermer and I belatedly discovered there were no time- series statistics available at that time to ana- lyze our activation-level diary data (Dermer
& Berscheid,19 7 2). Happily, Marshall found a team of biological rhythm statisticians working in the rabbit warren of rooms under the football stadium; taking pity on us, they agreed to make us some statistics (and thus act as our technical advisors). Unhappily, when we got around to looking these sta- tisticans’ gift horse in the mouth, we discov- ered that one of the mathematical assump- tions underlying their statistics required our human subjects to be dead at least once a day. Even more unhappily, we made this dis- covery after we had interpreted our results to our satisfaction and were on the brink of publishing our report – yet another illustra- tion that a researcher’s facile and creative mind usually can see a rational pattern in any random display.
The fact that violation of a statistic’s assumptions is hard to discern in the obtained statistic represents a special danger for relationship researchers who often find themselves in the uncomfortable position of
trying to make causal inferences from regres- sion analyses performed on nonexperimen- tal data. Many of the variables of interest in relationship research are causally bidirec- tional and highly correlated with each other (e.g., trust, love, commitment; see Attridge, Berscheid, & Simpson, 19 9 5). This highly glutinous mass often makes it difficult for relationship researchers to meet the assump- tions that causal inference from such data requires (see Berscheid & Regan,2 0 0 5, pp.
7 9–8 1; McKim & Turner, 19 9 7). Thus, my first prediction for relationship science is that making causal inferences from nonex- perimental data will continue to be a prob- lematic activity, barring the emergence of an statistical alchemist and the services of a sta- tistical auditing firm to weed out spurious results in previously published reports.
Some Other Predictions
My other predictions about the future of the relationship field and profitable avenues of research follow from consideration of the three broad categories of macroforces I have named. First, and with respect to resources, one can predict that threats to fed- eral funding for the social and behavioral sci- ences will increase in frequency and severity as the nation’s financial solvency deterio- rates and its financial obligations increase.
Indeed, funding from the National Insti- tutes of Health for much basic social sci- entific research, including research vital to an understanding of relationships, is in jeop- ardy as this Handbook goes to press (see Carpenter,2 0 0 5; Fiske,2 0 0 5).
Second, and with respect to technologi- cal changes, my predictions are more pos- itive. Advances in neuroscience as a result of the development of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and the increas- ing availability of the necessary magnets represent enormous opportunities for rela- tionship researchers (see Berscheid, 2 0 0 4).
These are only now beginning to be mined (e.g., Fisher et al., 2 0 0 3). Aron (in press) detailed several contributions that fMRI can make to relationship science and asserted that, in turn, relationship science may have
an even greater potential to contribute to neuroscience. His arguments may even be understated because it has become increas- ingly clear that the operations of the brain cannot be understood without significant advances in affective neuroscience; advances in affective neuroscience, in turn, require the development of a robust social neuroscience, which requires advances in relationship sci- ence because it is within our relationships with others that we humans most frequently and intensely experience emotion and pro- cess stimuli heavily saturated with affect.
The methods of neuroscience are only one way to understand the unconscious mind; the methods of cognitive social psy- chology are another. Unfortunately, the lat- ter have yet to exert much influence on the relationship field. For example, social cognitive psychologist James Uleman (2 0 0 5) observes that contemporary theory of mind
“is remarkably absent from most research on person perception” (p. 11), which remains as important to the understanding of rela- tionships as it was5 0 years ago. Even well- established research findings on the nature of the human mind have yet to be recognized by many relationship scholars. Psycholo- gist and computer scientist Roger Schank (“God. . .,”2 0 0 5) opined, for example:
I do not believe that people are capable of rational thought when it comes to mak- ing decisions in their own lives. People believe they are behaving rationally and have thought things out, of course, but when major decisions are made – who to marry, where to live, . . . people’s minds simply can- not cope with the complexity. When they try to rationally analyze potential options, their unconscious, emotional thoughts take over and make the choice for them. (p. F3) If Schank and the conclusions of many cog- nitive social psychologists are correct (see Hassin, Uleman, & Bargh, 2 0 0 5, who described thenew unconscious), we relation- ship scholars are trying to identify and under- stand the determinants of a person’s “major decisions,” such as mate selection or whether to maintain or dissolve a relationship, primarily through self-report even though the answers to many of our questions are
not available to our respondents to report (although they always do report something).
New understandings of the human mind have additional implications for us researchers; that is, we ourselves are not immune from the limitations of our con- scious minds when thinking about the highly complex system in which people’s relationship decisions and other behaviors are embedded. More than 3 0 years ago, McGuire called for new conceptual mod- els “that involve parallel processing, nets of causally interrelated factors, feedback loops, bidirectional causation, etc.” (p.4 5 2) to deal with complex cognitive and social systems in which multiple causes interact with each other to produce an effect and in which effects act to change their original causal conditions. McGuire also warned, however, that “We shall all shy away from the men- tal strain of keeping in mind so many vari- ables, so completely interrelated” (p. 4 5 2).
He was right; we relationship scholars do shy away from the exercise. But he was wrong to blame “mental strain” for our avoidance;
our conscious minds can strain until our noses bleed, but most of us still can’t do it. Perhaps the epistemology of relationship research could use some attention.
Finally, with respect to macroforces that result in changes in the characteristics of research personnel, one can confidently predict that relationship researchers will become more racially and culturally diverse for a variety of reasons and that fewer will be men (if recently reported sex ratios of col- lege undergraduates is any indication), all of which will influence the kinds of relation- ship problems that receive attention. One might also predict that as present researchers grow older, their interest in phenomena asso- ciated with young relationships (e.g., roman- tic love) will wane and the joys and prob- lems of older relationships will gain more representation in relationship theory and research.
Only time will tell what the future holds for relationship research. We can all bet on that – and pray that the forces be with us.
Ellen Berscheid University of Minnesota
References
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Contributors
Graham Allan
School of Social Relations Keele University
Staffs ST5 5BG [email protected] Donna M. Allen Department of Business Northwest Nazarene University 6 2 3 Holly Street
Nampa, ID8 3 6 8 6-5 8 9 7 [email protected] Irwin Altman
Department of Psychology University of Utah 3 9 0S.15 3 0E.
Salt Lake City, UT8 4 112-0 2 5 1 [email protected] Arthur Aron
Department of Psychology SUNY at Stony Brook Stony Brook, NY117 9 4-2 5 0 0 [email protected] Donald Baucom
2 5 9Davie Hall, CB #3 2 7 0 Psychology Department UNC-CH
Chapel Hill, NC2 7 5 9 9-3 2 7 0 don [email protected]
Steven R. H. Beach
Institute for Behavioral Research 15 7Psychology
University of Georgia Athens, GA3 0 6 0 2-3 0 13 [email protected] Ellen Berscheid
Department of Psychology University of Minnesota 7 5East River Road Minneapolis, MN5 5 4 5 5 Bersc0 0 [email protected] Rosemary Blieszner
Department of Human Development (0 4 16)
Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University
Blacksburg, VA2 4 0 6 1 [email protected]
Jeffrey Boase
Department of Sociology University of Toronto 7 2 5Spadina Ave.
Toronto, ON, M5S2J4 Canada
xvii
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Human Development and Family Sciences The University of Texas at Austin
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P a r t I
INTRODUCTION
C H A P T E R 1
Personal Relationships: An Introduction
Daniel Perlman Anita L. Vangelisti
In a classic series of studies, Reed Larson and his colleagues (Larson, Csikszentmihalyi, &
Graef, 19 8 2) had 17 9 teenagers and adults carry electronic pagers with them wherever they went for1week. Once every2hours of their waking day, Larson beeped these indi- viduals, asking them to indicate what they were doing and who, if anyone, was with them. More than7 0% of the times they were paged, these individuals were in the pres- ence of other people. Worked out over the course of a lifetime, from age18to 6 5, this means people are likely to spend 2 0 3,5 8 5 hours in the presence of others. As far back as Aristotle, humans have been recognized as social animals. Obviously, personal rela- tionships are a salient and important aspect of our lives.
What precisely do we mean when we refer to personal relationships? Two classic definitions that specify the domain of this volume are as follows:
Two people are in a relationship with one another if they impact on each other, if they are interdependent in the sense that a change in one person causes a change in the other and vice versa. (Kelley et al.,1983)
A relationship involves a series of inter- actions between two individuals known to each other. Relationships involve behav- ioural, cognitive, and affective (or emo- tional) aspects. Formal relationships are distinct from personal relationships. Rela- tionships in which most of the behaviour of the participants is determined by their position in society, where they do not rely on knowledge of each other, are role or for- mal relationships. (Hinde,1979)
Personal relationships, in short, have a holis- tic quality. They are more than isolated interactive moments. They are more than highly scripted role-relations. Personal rela- tionships include a range of relationships, including, but not exclusive to our most inti- mate relationships.
There are several reasons why personal relationships are important and why they are studied. When people are asked about what makes their lives meaningful, what con- tributes to their happiness, and what they value, they frequently identify close relation- ships. People have a pervasive, nearly uni- versal need to belong (Baumeister & Leary, 19 9 5). Research suggests that we are eager 3
to form new bonds but dislike breaking them. Similarly, we devote considerable cog- nitive processing to interpersonal interac- tions and relationships (Fletcher, Overall, &
Friesen, this volume). Finally, relationships are a key to our well-being. A plethora of evidence shows that close relation- ships are indeed vital to various indi- cators of well-being, including happiness, mental health, physical health, and even longevity (Berkman, 19 9 5; Myers, 19 9 9).
As the slogan for a California public ser- vice program proclaims, “friends are good medicine.” Undoubtedly, there are excep- tions to these generalizations, and it is diffi- cult to know for sure whether relationships are the cause of these outcomes. Nonethe- less, the association of sociability with well- being cuts across time, cultures, measures of sociability, and indicators of well-being, and the association is a statistically strong one (Sarason & Sarason, ch. 2 3, this vol- ume). In the health domain, cigarette smok- ing is one of the most widely studied and clearest hazards to health and longevity.
Research demonstrates that sociability has as strong, probably even a stronger, asso- ciation with well-being than does smok- ing. Stop smoking and have successful friendships: You’ll live a long, happy life.
Indeed one can argue that without rela- tionships and social groups, humans would not be able to reproduce and survive (Reis, Collins, & Bersheid, 2 0 0 0). The advances humans have made depend heavily on collective action.
Of course, relationships are not always positive experiences. There is a dark side to close relationships (Cupach & Spitzberg, 19 9 4; Spitzberg & Cupach,19 9 8). Personal relationships can serve as a context for a variety of negative emotions, including jeal- ousy (Guerrero & Anderson,19 9 8) and hurt (Leary, Springer, Negel, Ansell, & Evans, 19 9 8). Furthermore, people can experience psychological (Straus & Field, 2 0 0 3) or physical abuse (Johnson, this volume) at the hands of a loved one. Yet even when problematic, relationships are significant to us.
General Description
Because relationships are so central to peo- ple’s lives, they have garnered the attention of researchers and theorists from a number of disciplines. Indeed, scholars have devoted a great deal of time and effort to understand- ing the antecedents, processes, and outcomes of close, interpersonal relationships.
The purpose of the Handbook of Per- sonal Relationships is to present a synthe- sis of cutting-edge research and theory. This book integrates the varying perspectives and issues addressed by those who study how people relate to one another. To capture the breadth and depth of the literature in this area, the work of scholars from a variety of disciplines – including several subfields of psychology (e.g., social, developmental, per- sonality, clinical), communication, family studies, and sociology – is highlighted.
The first section of the book comprises the current introduction. Following this edi- torial introduction, the second section offers a foundation for studying personal relation- ships. The history of the field is examined, as are the theories most frequently employed by researchers to explain processes associ- ated with the development, maintenance, and decline of personal relationships. In this section of the book, there is an empha- sis on introducing and comparing dominant theories (e.g., social exchange, attachment, evolutionary); the role of various theories in generating research is noted throughout the volume. Both qualitative and quanti- tative methods are discussed in terms of their unique applications and contributions to the relevant literature. In addition, the second section illuminates the ways relation- ships have been divided into types. The con- cerns raised in this section provide a foun- dation for examining personal relationships because they set the baseline for the ways that researchers observe, explain, and evalu- ate relationships.
The third section focuses on research and theory explicating the development of per- sonal relationships, from when people meet until when relationships end. Chapters focus
on issues such as courtship, marriage, and divorce. Although the developmental course of relationships may be viewed as somewhat linear, much of the research covered in this section points to the complex, multifaceted nature of relationship development.
The fourth section focuses on relation- ships across the life span. The nature and functions of relationships vary depending, in part, on the age of relational partners. Chil- dren have different ways of relating and they develop relationships for different reasons than do adolescents or adults. People dealing with the tasks of middle age maintain differ- ent sorts of relationships than do the elderly.
Chapters in this section describe some of the special concerns reflected in personal rela- tionships in various life stages.
In the fifth section, individual differences that influence personal relationships are ex- amined. People approach and enter relation- ships with some relatively stable character- istics. Whether those characteristics involve personality traits, attachment styles, biologi- cal sex, sexual orientations, or mental health, they affect the developmental course of peo- ple’s relationships. The material covered in this section describes the effects of individ- ual differences on personal relationships.
The sixth and seventh sections present relationship processes. In the sixth section, communication, cognition, emotion, and psychophysiology are discussed. These are fundamental processes that influence, and are influenced by, relationships as well as other arenas of life. The seventh section deals with processes that involve interper- sonal interaction. These include disclosure, social support, conflict, and sexual behavior.
Over the past dozen years, researchers have focused attention on the problem- atic aspects of personal relationships. Peo- ple involved in close relationships experi- ence stress because of circumstances that occur outside their relationship as well as events inside the relationship that the part- ners themselves instigate. Relational part- ners sometimes feel jealous or lonely. They often lie to each other. They may engage in extradyadic liaisons and may even physically
or psychologically abuse each other. Some relational threats are common and their successful navigation actually may add to partners’ confidence in their union. Other threats not only damage the relationship, they may jeopardize the physical and psy- chological well-being of one or both part- ners. The eighth section of the Handbook covers several of the more widely studied threats to personal relationships.
The ninth section examines the major qualities that suggest how well relationships are doing. The study of relational satisfac- tion began in the19 2 0s and more recently has been augmented by investigations of love, commitment, and intimacy. This sec- tion addresses the antecedents and dynamics associated with these phenomena as well as the challenges that researchers face as they attempt to conceptualize and operationalize the qualities of personal relationships.
Of course, relationships do not happen in a vacuum. They are influenced by physi- cal, social, and cultural contexts. The tenth section deals with some of the factors out- side individuals and relationships that affect the bonds between partners. This section includes classic (e.g., social networks) as well as leading-edge topics (e.g., computer- mediated relationships).
Although the focus of much of the research deals with the initiation and estab- lishment of relationships, relationships actu- ally persist for a long time, sometimes with problems. The final section of the volume covers how people sustain their relationships over time and how therapists can intervene to repair problematic relationships.
To ensure consistency across the volume in terms of scope and coverage, authors were guided in the following ways. First and foremost, they were asked to provide an integrative synthesis of existing theory and research, featuring classic and cutting-edge references where appropriate. Authors were encouraged to provide an historical or con- ceptual framework for organizing the lit- erature and to make note of any impor- tant conceptual shifts. Second, they were instructed to comment on basic paradigms
and research issues and to evaluate criti- cally the area’s methods. Third, authors were asked to provide judicious coverage of, and endeavor to resolve, any conflicts in the lit- erature. Fourth, although this volume is pri- marily retrospective, authors were asked to signal directions for future research.
Authors
The individuals who contributed to the Handbookwere selected as authors because they are recognized for the outstanding the- oretical and empirical contributions they have made to the study of personal rela- tionships. The contributors, in short, are dis- tinguished, internationally known scholars.
They herald from a variety of disciplines and approach personal relationships from a num- ber of perspectives. They focus on topics ranging from the beginning to the ending of relationships, from micro to macro forces, and from the problematic to the sublime.
Readers will find that the authors are adroit at expressing themselves in a scholarly yet readable fashion
Audience
Because the contributors offer sophisticated, new perspectives on extant literature as well as important theoretical and methodolog- ical recommendations for future research, the Handbook is an important volume for individual researchers and theorists to have on their shelves. Graduate students in social psychology, communication, family studies, sociology, and clinical psychology also will need to know the material published in this book. They may use the volume as a text in one of their courses or as an advanced intro- duction to the study of close relationships.
Additionally, practitioners will be served by the volume. They will find that the theory and research presented provides a founda- tion for understanding relationships semi- nal to their therapeutic work with individ- uals confronting relationship issues, couples, and families.
Readers who are familiar with the lit- erature on personal relationship will note that the current volume is one of three published in the last decade that summa- rizes research on personal relationships. In part, this is because of the speed with which the field has advanced. One of the other two books, also titled theHandbook of Personal Relationships, was edited by Steve Duck (19 9 7) and published by Wiley. The other,Close Relationships: A Sourcebook, was edited by Clyde Hendrick and Susan S. Hen- drick (2 0 0 0) and was published by Sage.
Both of these volumes serve as benchmarks for the field. The Duck Handbook con- ceives of the field of personal relationships as relatively new, and, as a consequence, its chapters provide researchers with com- pelling directions for future study. The Hendrick and Hendrick Sourcebook offers what they term a “panoramic view of close relationships research” (p. xxii); it pro- vides an important overview of the lit- erature. The current Handbook was con- ceived as a complement and an update to both of the prior volumes. It character- izes the field as relatively mature and high- lights the established body of theory and research that has been generated over the past3 decades. It offers readers a relatively detailed, sophisticated synthesis of existing literature. It is our hope that the insights and commentaries offered by the authors in Handbook of Personal Relationships will do as much to generate research and to advance the field as did the prior two volumes.
We believe social-science knowledge is best when it can be given away. If this volume is to succeed, it must engage you and leave you, the reader, wiser. Whether it is for your personal life, a course, your professional practice, or for conducting the next generation of research, the chapters should leave you better informed about, and with better tools for understanding, close relationships. We hope that you will develop an intimate relation with the con- tributors’ ideas and join with us in helping to disseminate, apply, or empirically advance their wisdom.
Acknowledgments
We are indebted to many people for the important contributions they have made to this volume. This project came to fruition because of the work of a group of out- standing authors. The time, expertise, and careful thought that the authors willingly dedicated to writing chapters made this Handbook possible. We also are grateful to our editor, Philip Laughlin, who had the vision for this project. His willingness to respond to what must have seemed like an infinite number of questions, his patience, and his sense of humor made our work a pleasure.
To our universities we owe a debt of grat- itude for their good libraries, for their com- puter systems, and for providing an envi- ronment that facilitates productivity. The project was started when Dan spent a very pleasant semester as a sabbatical visitor with the University of Texas Human Develop- ment and Family Sciences program. We also want to thank low-cost long-distance calling services for allowing us to work together on the phone for long periods without concern about telephone bills.
Being editors of a book about relation- ships, we are especially sensitive to how relationships enhance our lives and how there are trade-offs between work and fam- ily. We would like to thank our partners, John Daly and Lorrie Brubacher, for their support and understanding during the3-year journey that the book has required. We also thank Abigail for reminding us, as young children will do, that relationships should come first.
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