B. M. K UMAR
6.4 Final Thoughts
develop an expressed sequence tag (EST) database that could be used to identify the genes involved in ascorbic acid synthesis, as well as other biotechnologically interesting compounds. Numerous ESTs associated with ascorbic acid synthesis and degradation were identified (Silva, 2006), although the full synthesis pathway is still incomplete. ESTs associated with anthocyanin synthesis, oxidative stress and transcription factors were also identified. The same study identified numerous EST microsatellites (SSRs) that are currently being used to examine genetic diversity in the INPA collections and progeny trials. A set of nuclear SSRs is also being developed, since these tend to be more variable than EST-SSRs. The INPA group expects to have a full analysis of genetic diversity throughout the Amazon Basin by 2008.
An ideotype similar to the Peruvian ideotype is used to identify elite plants in the progeny trials and collections. These are now being hybridized in a diallel design to examine the general and specific combining abilities for ascorbic acid production, fruit yield, precocity and plant architecture. Hybrids are also being offered to local farmers, but few are yet convinced that camu-camu will be economically viable in orchards on the non-flooding plateaus of Brazilian Amazonia.
EXPECTED IMPACTS IN BRAZIL Interest in camu-camu as a functional food continues to expand in Europe, Japan and the USA (Yuyama et al., 2002, 2003; Rodrigues et al., 2006). None the less, interest in cultivating camu-camu in central Amazonia has been minimal to date. An attempt to develop a participatory improvement programme near Manaus was not funded because of lack of demonstrable farmer interest. As the information on the nutritional qualities of camu-camu accumulate, however, increasing interest is being expressed in São Paulo State and camu-camu may be the next Amazonian fruit to migrate out of the region. Although some plantings already exist, at Iguape, São Paulo, for example, they are based on an extremely narrow genetic base and a new pest has already appeared to exploit this. Without expanding the genetic base via the Amazonian collections and improvement programmes, expansion outside of Amazonia may be slower than with other species that are more pest-resistant or have more ample genetic bases to start from.
apples, pears and oranges, write the textbooks used in Brazilian Amazonia.
Promotion of underutilized native species is an uphill struggle and the slope is increasing.
With all the difficulties mentioned, there are new things happening in underutilized fruit development in Latin America. These developments can be considered as ‘push’ and ‘pull’ vectors. The ‘push’ vector is the traditional R&D work to provide information, ideas and training to local producers and agro- industries. These actors are more or less competent to use the information, ideas and training to improve productivity, quality and final product. The ‘pull’
vector is new demand from local, national and international entrepreneurs.
These actors may have known native fruits since childhood or have learned about them during a visit to the region, or even seen them on television.
A new ‘pull’ is that European entrepreneurial demands are starting to filter into Latin America. There are also demands from the USA, Japan and a few other developed countries, but they are less numerous and directed than the European demands. The Japanese demand for camu-camu is an exception.
These entrepreneurs are seeking exotic flavours, new colours, different appearances, but they, especially the Europeans, are demanding organic and fair trade certification and high quality in exchange for good prices.
An example of these new times and actions is the fruit of the açaí-do-Pará.
This palm has been part of daily subsistence in the Amazon River estuary for millennia and is consumed in enormous quantities. The small (1–2 g) fruits have a thin (1 mm), oily, fibrous, starchy, purple pulp around the seed. The pulp is softened in warm water for a couple of hours and removed from the seed by scraping on metal, wood or fibre screens, resulting in a thick gruel popularly called açaí wine (although it is not fermented). A medium-thick wine contains 12.5% dry matter, of which 52% is fats, 25% is fibres, 10% is proteins, 3% is ash, and 2% is sugars; the wine is also relatively rich in the antioxidants anthocyanins and alpha-tocopherol (Rogez, 2000). The cosmopolitan area of Belém, Pará, Brazil, has a population of nearly 1.2 million, who consume 400 t of açaí fruit per day in the form of açaí wine of various consistencies, depending upon how much water is used during processing. Among the poorer social classes, açaí wine is consumed at every meal, mixed with tapioca or manioc flour.
At first glance, açaí would seem to be an unlikely candidate for development outside its traditional area of consumption. Açaí wine is an acquired taste, somewhat nutty, often somewhat metallic, a little acidic (pH = 5.2; easily corrected with sugar), especially if not truly fresh, so it is actually surprising that it became a fad. There are half a dozen similar wines in Amazonia, none of which is as important as açaí, but all of which are locally popular, just as açaí wine was until some entrepreneurs came into the picture.
Since the mid-1990s the popularity of açaí wine has expanded throughout Brazil and has caught the attention of American, European and Japanese entrepreneurs. Brondizio (2004) discusses the local, national and international history of this development.
As an underutilized product from the Brazilian periphery, açaí wine has quality problems, due to fruit quality variation, harvesting and postharvesting
practices, shelf life (fruit must be processed within 48 h after harvesting if properly handled), processing practices and storage, all of which affect food quality and safety (Rogez, 2000). As demand started to pick up in the mid- 1990s, these problems became limiting very quickly. The Federal University of Pará and the Embrapa Amazônia Oriental both expanded their work on açaí to address these quality issues. Local businesses have adopted the new technologies and best practices and are investing to meet both national and international demands for quality. Embrapa Amazônia Oriental is actively prospecting for açaí that fruits at various times during the year, in an attempt to make açaí available year-round. Initial results are promising and improved seed will start returning to the production areas within the next couple of years (J.T.
Farias Neto, Embrapa Amazônia Oriental, 2006, personal communication).
Açaí wine is certainly the major success story in Amazonia today. What can be learned from this success? Chance aside, in our opinion the principal element was entrepreneurial involvement. Açaí wine has existed for millennia in the estuary, but never attracted interest outside Amazonia, although Amazonian researchers have touted its charms for decades. The entrepreneurial motor could only accelerate, however, because there was sufficient product available near Belém, a primitive agro-industry was already processing the wine and the logistics were in place to move it from Belém to south-eastern Brazil and the world. The third, and perhaps decisive, factor was the agility of the R&D institutions in Belém. As soon as demand met local limitations, these institutions moved to solve the quality problems that were causing uneasiness among the budding entrepreneurs and new consumers. Although work and investments are ongoing, the directions are correct and solutions are coming online as soon as they are available.
This example of the synergy between pull and push vectors offers a lesson for R&D institutions interested in the development of underutilized fruits. These institutions must be prepared to work with entrepreneurs to make use of the information that has been accumulating for decades, but which is often stored on library shelves. The best information and product are essential, but it is only an entrepreneur who can transform potential into profit in the highly competitive world fruit market.
While this success certainly stimulates native fruit researchers, it is pertinent to ask who benefits. In the case of açaí, traditional producers are benefiting at present, but once plantations on non-flooding plateaus come into production the traditional producers may lose market share and eventually be pushed out altogether. This projection is similar to Homma’s (1993) analysis of non-timber forest products and simply reflects the logic of a capitalist economic system.
Numerous Amazonian fruits have already shown that this logic is inexorable;
guaraná is now produced principally in Bahia; heart-of-palm from the Amazonian peach palm is now produced principally in São Paulo; cocoa is now produced principally in Bahia, Africa and Asia.
None the less, continued development of Amazonian fruit crops does contribute to food security in the region. If a fruit crop is successful and leaves the region, it will still be produced locally for consumption and local markets.
Hence, it will continue to contribute to local diets and nutrition.
What about the conservation of genetic resources? Most institutional programmes suffer from lack of funds for conservation (van Leeuwen et al., 2005) and successful development of a native fruit is no guarantee that this will change – even though the idea of conservation-through-use is widespread. In contrast, however, Cornelius et al. (2006) showed that participatory improvement can successfully conserve genetic resources, not only because their use encourages their conservation, but also because of the large numbers involved – numbers that most institutions working with native fruits are unable to manage. We feel that participatory improvement offers other advantages also and are glad to see this practice expanding in Amazonia.