to their interests, their preferences for learning, interaction and connection with residents and authenticity, as well as their desire to renounce luxury and comfort. ‘Accidental’ versus ‘hard core’ tourists and ‘hedonists’ versus
‘pioneers’ do not have much in common. They have different, often oppo- site, needs and expectations and, consequently, they define the quality of their experiences in different terms. From left to right in Table 4.1, needs are increasingly specific, willingness to renounce comfort grows, and the desire to learn and connect with local people becomes more urgent. The more tourists tend to be ‘dedicated’ or even ‘hard core’ or ‘pioneer’, the less tolerant they are of staged authenticity, specific ‘tourist things’, and coming across other tourists. Obviously, ‘dedicated’ adventurers, ‘dedi- cated’ backpackers, ‘hard-core’ tourists and ‘pioneers’ consider them- selves ‘travellers’ rather than ‘tourists’.
The category ‘accidental’ is an adaptation of the ‘casual’ or ‘incidental’
tourists described by McKercher (2002), Lindberg (1991) and Weaver (1999). They are identified in this classification as visitors making excur- sions to culture or nature sites from the beach resorts or cities they are staying in. Their numbers vary per destination. For example, many national parks in Costa Rica are within easy reach from quite a few beach resorts, as well as from San José, the capital. Consequently, the majority of visitors can be identified as ‘accidental’ visitors. Remote sites, i.e. sites that are far away from the major tourist circuits, on the other hand, are not visited by ‘accidental’ tourists at all.
Adventurous tourists often claim to be ‘dedicated’ tourists. Many adventurous trips, however, can not be distinguished objectively from mainstream tourism. Consequently, ‘dedicated’ tourists and adventurous tourists do not coincide. Adventurous tourists are partly ascribed to the category of mainstream tourists and partly to ‘dedicated’ tourists. The vol- unteers that have been described in Chapter 3 fit into the latter category.
Concentration of tourists varies greatly per category. In the early 21st century, coastal areas of Thailand were the place to be for ‘hedonists’ (as this research was conducted in 2004, the impacts of the unprecedented disaster of December 2004 could not be taken into account). By definition, mainstream tourists are concentrated in tourist circuits along the highlights of a destination country. ‘Dedicated’ tourists prefer to go off the beaten track, but they still visit the highlights. ‘Hard-core’ tourists and ‘pioneers’
are the most dispersed tourists, consciously avoiding the tourist circuits.
For destination areas their quantities are often negligible.
the South. These chapters and sections give an account of the motivations, interests, preferences and behaviour of these tourists. They do not give a decisive answer to the question why other types of tourism (e.g. beach tour- ism, adventure tourism, camping, winter sports) are popular among these Europeans. Nor do they explain why travel markets – predominantly domestic – are emerging in Southern and Eastern Europe, East and South Asia and other parts of the world. Most probably, tourists who do not stem from countries where a Protestant ethic and a romantic movement have been extremely influential do not exhibit the same life-worlds, lifestyles, distinctive preferences and behaviour as the tourists studied in Chapter 3.
In the words of Robinson (1999, p. 22): ‘Out of the world’s 6000 cultures relatively few are seekers of difference through the tourism process’.
Some selected examples suggest clear differences between ‘Western’
tourists on the one hand and Japanese, Chinese or Muslim tourists on the other. This is also suggested of domestic tourists in the South.
Differences between ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’ tourists
● Japanese tourism has certain characteristics which differentiate it from the tourism of the contemporary West. To most Japanese, nature is boring to contemplate, dangerous to enter, and far removed from everyday life, rather than subject to romantic interest and admiration (Graburn, 1995, p. 62). It is only appreciated when it is strictly con- trolled, and when it is ‘naturally’ represented and miniaturized (e.g. in bonsai and gardens), and socially approved for perusal (and photography) at the right seasons (p. 62).
● Similarly, Lindberg et al. (2003, p. 119) argue that Eastern cultures, including Chinese, tend to favour human manipulation of nature in order to enhance its appeal, in contrast to preservation in a pristine state. The Chinese image of natural landscapes is, according to these authors, nurtured by cultural sources such as poems and paintings rather than the search for ‘unspoilt paradise’.
● Although most Western tourists in the South travel in groups, yearn- ing for ‘solitude’ has been referred to in Chapter 2 as characteristic of Protestant middle-class mental programmes. Being alone in nature – or even ‘paradise’– and having personal spiritual nature experiences are highly valued. Individual travellers of the pioneer-type are the role models for many in the West. In collectivistic ‘Non-Western’
societies individual travel is not highly valued. ‘Rarely does anyone [Japanese] go anywhere alone, and loneliness, especially “in nature”, is to be feared above almost anything else in life’ (Graburn, 1995, p. 64).
Enjoyment of nature stems more from sociality than from personal spiritual experiences. According to Kim and Lee (2000, p. 157),
opportunities for unplanned action and freedom from institutional- ized regulations are distinctive characteristics of the Western tourists.
On the other hand, people in collectivistic cultures think of them- selves less as individuals and more as being members of some group.
A long vacation away from the group means painful separation and a danger to mental well-being. Group interaction, which is closely associated with dependence on others to provide satisfaction in the experience, is also an important component of the tourism experience.
Perceptions of crowding may also vary across cultures. Lindberg et al. (2003, p. 119) demonstrate that the level of crowding in nature reserves in China is much more tolerable to Chinese visitors than to Western visitors.
● Japanese nostalgic tradition resembles present Western interest in cul- tural heritage at first sight, but is a tradition as old as Japan itself (Graburn, 1995, p. 67). According to Graburn, this backward looking search reflects a millennia-old search for identity, because Japan, as a peripheral island nation, has had constantly to redefine its identity vis-à-vis China, Korea and the outside world. Japanese cultural and heritage tourism consequently focuses on historical creations such as shrines, temples, castles, gardens, festivals, etc. rather than indige- nous peoples.
● Graburn’s findings are consistent with a survey of Japanese outbound tourism by the US Travel and Tourism Administration (in Andersen et al., 2000, p. 132). In this survey, culture and history were ranked as higherpullfactors than wilderness. A further study by the Japanese Government (p. 132) identified overseas travel as primarily domi- nated by a desire to see aesthetic landscape and historical sites, rather than travel to understand local cultures.
● Muslims share a tradition of ascetic abstinence with Puritans. For Muslims, ‘profligate consumption and all forms of excessive indul- gence are prohibited’ (Din, 1989, p. 552). While the Puritan ethic is presumed to be at the basis of Western modern consumer culture – characterized by a morality of pleasure as a duty – Islam deemphasizes pleasure and hedonistic pursuits characteristic of modern tourism and enjoins genuine, humane, equitable and reciprocal cross-cultural communication (p. 554). Islamic states – Arab states in particular – take pride in distancing themselves from the hedonism and self-indulgence Western tourism is felt to represent (Aziz, 2001, p. 158). Rather than a relaxing and invigorating experience, travelling in Islam is viewed as ‘. . . a trying task which subjects individuals to the tests of patience and perseverance’ (Din, 1989, p. 552). Because travelling is a task (cul- minating in theHaj), Muslims are asked to always assist the traveller and treat him with compassion. Travelling in order to satisfy a
generalized curiosity and have interesting personal experiences does not fit into Muslim tradition. Travelling alone does not fit either. Indi- vidual female travellers are at odds with Muslim religion, as many European female backpackers have experienced in Muslim countries.
● A study by Ryan (2002) demonstrates that interest in indigenous Maori culture in New Zealand is mainly limited to Northern Europe- ans and North Americans. The Asian markets – the most important markets for New Zealand in terms of arrivals and expenditures – are not seemingly interested in Maori culture. Nonetheless they seem to appreciate the stage performances which they attend (p. 966). Tour- ism products based on Maori culture are also unappealing to the domesticpakeha(non-Maori New Zealanders) society (p. 964). When non-Maori New Zealanders visit Maori sites, rarely have they been born in New Zealand, and most commonly they are migrants from Northern Europe (p. 965). Natives will lose their romantic appeal when they become part of our day-to-day lives.
● Quite a few studies demonstrate that domestic tourists in developing countries have little interest in nature and ethnic tourism, e.g.:
Ghimire, 2001 (general); Barkin, 2001 (Mexico); Diegues, 2001 (Brazil);
Rao and Suresh, 2001 (India); Kaosa-ard et al., 2001 (Thailand);
Vogels, 2002 (India); Iversen, 2003 (Vietnam); De Groot, 2004 (Namibia); Loman, 2005 (Peru); Kuja, 2005 (Cameroon). In most coun- tries, VFR (‘visiting friends and relatives’), religious tourism to sacred sites and (small) business tourism are important types of domestic tourism. VFR tourism is widely dispersed, reflecting the reverse direction of historical migration patterns, and does not coincide with the existing leisure-related tourism circuit. Leisure-related tourism is limited to higher income groups and is much more focused upon lei- sure facilities – both in the cities and in rural areas – than rural nature and culture. Visits to rural areas are motivated by the desire to escape crowded and polluted city life and picnic with the family rather than the desire to enjoy nature or get in touch with rural communities.
Obviously, wilderness and rural communities are places to avoid rather than enjoy.
Asians are not beach-minded. In South Africa and Latin America beach tourism is popular, but among inhabitants of European descent, not among indigenous peoples.
Comparing domestic Chinese tourists to foreigners, Walsh and Swain (2004, p. 66) conclude that (European and North American) foreigners are frequently disappointed by what they perceive as commercialization and development, while Chinese do not categorically dismiss progress as negative. Fewer Chinese seem to expect a completely untouched paradise. According to Walsh and Swain, ‘Chinese tourists are “more
sophisticated” in that many accept that minority areas, like others, change and that cultural displays at tourist sites are performed for tourists’
(p. 66).
North Americans, Australians and New Zealanders are part of the
‘Western’ world. These countries were influenced by migrants and their Protestant ethic from the historically Protestant countries of Europe. They appear to be part of the Western modern consumer culture, with its con- comitant fun morality, generalized curiosity, ‘experience hunger’ and restless drive to seek novelty. Unfortunately, the research presented in Chapter 3 does not allow any comparison between North Americans, Australians and New Zealanders on the one hand and Northern Europe- ans on the other. The research among organized tourists included a very limited number of American respondents (nine interviews, 14 interviewees) and no respondents from ‘down under’. The tour guides who have been interviewed are quite consistent in their perception of Americans as more demanding, more direct and more ‘McDonaldized’
than Europeans. The latter are perceived as better prepared while travel- ling and more eager to learn. According to these guides, Americans are not really interested in indigenous communities, although they all say they want to see ‘the real life’. Visitors to community projects are mostly European.
The research among backpackers suggests that the number of North American backpackers is small in comparison to Northern Europeans.
Outside the backpacker enclaves, North Americans are uncommon.
The selected examples are far from being conclusive. Rather than ignoring cultural differences between tourists and bringing different cases under the same heading, it appears an interesting challenge to start cross-cultural comparative studies.
A wide field is open for further exploration.