The previous chapters discussed tourists from ‘Western’ countries (i.e. the historically Protestant countries of Europe and, to a lesser extent, North America and Australia), visiting the South (i.e. Latin America, Asia or Africa). The overwhelming majority of backpackers originates from these Western countries (see section 3.3). Organized tourists from the West also constitute a disproportionate amount of international tourists.
Among the common characteristics of tourists from the West is an interest in exotic, ‘unspoilt’, ‘authentic’ nature and culture. This interest is presumed to be rooted in their Protestant and romantic tradition. Whether or not such an interest is also characteristic of tourists from other parts of the world has not been an object of study in these chapters. This is consis- tent with the notion that ‘the motivations of many South American, Arab, African, Indian, or non-English-speaking Europeans are hardly known at all internationally’ (Prentice, 2004, p. 276). Nevertheless, the selected examples mentioned in section 4.4 demonstrate clear differences between
‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’ tourists.
Ethnic tourism and ecotourism
These examples suggest that Northern Europeans and – perhaps – North Americans and Australians are the most important target groups for both ethnic tourism and ecotourism. They also suggest that ‘dedicated’ tour- ists, ‘hard-core’ tourists and ‘pioneers’ are exceptional or non-existent in the newly emerging Asian markets. The latter appear to be devoted to mainstream tourism rather than less conventional types of tourism.
Ethnic tourism can be distinguished from cultural tourism in gen- eral. The latter involves exposure to a culture in an indirect way (e.g.
museums, visitor centres, souvenir shops), while ethnic tourism involves first-hand experiences with the practices of indigenous cultures (Wood, 1984). It presupposes a kind of direct interaction between ‘guests’ and
‘hosts’. It is the Northern European market, rather than Asian, African or Latin American markets, that is interested in direct interaction and having a glimpse of ‘real’ local life, although – as is demonstrated in the previous chapters – there is a considerable discrepancy between social desirabil- ity and social practice. It is this market that is primarily concerned in authenticity issues.
If the interest in indigenous peoples concerns Northern Europeans first and foremost, the implications for the development of tourism to the South are considerable. Whereas the proportion of European tourists is limited, the regions and communities in the South that like to welcome tourists as a means of alleviating prevailing poverty are numerous. ‘Fishing from the same limited pond’ makes destinations highly competitive. The reality is that quite a number of community-based rural projects, focused on receiv- ing tourists and thus contributing to local poverty alleviation, do not man- age to earn back their investments, let alone make profits, considering the fact that domestic tourism in virtually every country in the South can be ignored as a source of visits and income to local indigenous communities.
‘Fishing from the same pond of Europeans’ requires defining which
group or groups are best suited to the local conditions and using the scarce marketing tools effectively to reach and serve these groups.
Although ‘ecotourism’ is a widely-used concept nowadays, there is a great variety in definitions and, consequently, a lack of consensus on its precise meaning. Moreover, several definitions are value-based rather than operational, as is the case in the frequently cited definition of The International Ecotourism Society (TIES): ‘responsible travel to nature areas which conserves the environment and improves the welfare of local people’ (www.ecotourism.org). Core criteria of ecotourism which recur in most definitions are: a nature-based element, an educational or learning component, and requirements of sustainability (Weaver, 2001, p. 7). Among these requirements are: contributions to the conservation of nature and welfare of local people in destination areas. Seen like this, ecotourism has a distinctly ‘Protestant’ connotation, as will be explained shortly, and it goes without saying that the interest in ‘unspoilt’ nature, nature conserva- tion, learning about nature and contribution to the development of local communities can predominantly be found in Northern European and – perhaps – North American and Australian markets. Nature areas, national parks in particular, which are not far from urban centres in developing countries are frequently visited by a huge flow of domestic visitors. The lack of awareness among these visitors concerning environmental prob- lems, however, results in serious damage to the local ecosystems (e.g.
Kaosa-ard et al., 2001, p. 138). Visits like these cannot be regarded as ecotourism according to the core criteria mentioned earlier in this section.
Domestic interest in wilderness tourism is of rather limited importance in most countries in the South. Remote nature areas are predominantly dependent on Northern European tourists. In this case again it is true that the proportion of European tourists is limited and that the number of regions and nature areas trying to attract nature-minded tourists in order to either preserve nature or generate income and jobs for their inhabitants has grown overwhelmingly. Again, the pond is too small for all.
Ecotourism and ‘dark green’ environmentalism as Protestant concepts
Vogel (2001) draws a distinction between ‘dark green’ countries and ‘light green’ countries. In the first type of countries, environmental politics and policies are more likely to express an environmental ethic:
One which encompasses but goes beyond domestic health, safety and amenity concerns. By contrast, in the latter type of countries, environmental politics and policies tend to be more instrumental; they are more likely to represent responses to clearly defined threats to domestic public health.
(Vogel, 2001, p. 6)
A defining characteristic of dark green countries is that public con- cern about environmental issues isnota response to the environmental problems that affect their daily lives; citizens tend to define their interest more broadly. They are more likely to regard the environment as being in a state of crisis. In light green countries the environmental agenda is more limited and narrowly focused. Public interest in environmental issues tends to be episodic rather than sustained and the salience of these issues varies considerably over time. According to Vogel (p. 8), dark green coun- tries are the historically Protestant countries of Europe (including Austria, a Catholic country with – according to Inglehartet al., 1998 – dominant Protestant values), as well as North America and Australia. Light green countries, on the other hand, are the traditionally Catholic countries in Southern Europe and Confucian countries of Asia.
Vogel points to a number of suggestive affinities between Protes- tantism and aspects of dark green environmental ethic (2001, pp. 27–30).
First, both share an essentially apocalyptic vision: if we continue our present behaviour and values, the world will be doomed. Second, an ascetic discipline finds a contemporary expression in recycling. ‘Waste not, want not’ becomes ‘reduce, reuse, recycle’. Third, modern dark green environmental rhetoric is filled with moral judgements; hence the passion and sense of urgency which is more likely to characterize envi- ronmental discourse in dark green countries. By contrast, in non- Protestant cultures citizens talk about the environment less, and in less moralistic terms. Fourth, the Protestant concept ofstewardshipfinds its contemporary expression in environmental politics, which hold each individual responsible for ‘meeting the needs of the present generations without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ (Brundtland, 1987). Fifth, the notion that nature has rights is most influential in Protestant, dark green countries. The rights of whales, tigers and rainforests imply a moral obligation for any citizen to protect them. Finally, Protestantism, precisely because it tends to be rela- tively devoid of rituals and symbols, may be especially conducive to the notion that nature can, or should, have spiritual significance. Here Protestantism and Romanticism meet.
Vogel (2001, p. 32) points to the irony in the assertion that Protestant- ism has facilitated a dark green mode of environmentalism. Western civi- lization has been associated with the subjugation of nature.
By contrast, Asian religions, in particular Shintoism, Buddhism and Hinduism, have frequently been associated with the idea that people are not separate from or superior to nature. They claim that all forms of life – natural as well as human – are or should be revered equally. Yet people in rich countries whose heritage includes the former ethic have proven considerably ‘greener’ than those whose cultures have been shaped by the latter.
(Vogel, 2001, p. 32)
Vogel finds one possible explanation in the emphasis in Protestant- ism on the very concept of mastery: ‘if one believes that control or mas- tery of the world is possible, one can just as readily choose to save or restore nature as dominate or exploit it.’ In the words of Giddens (quoted by Vogel): ‘Mastery of nature . . . can quite often mean caring for nature as much as treating it in a purely instrumental or indifferent fash- ion’. Whereas local populations in developing countries may have used ecosystems in sustainable ways, with resource-use systems – owing to their complexity – frequently operating beyond Western understanding, conservation is basically a Western concept, based on the notion that many ecosystems can only be sustained in protected areas (Gössling, 2002, p. 548).
Ecotourism, as dealt with in recent tourism literature, reflects this Western Protestant ethic pre-eminently. It celebrates the spiritual signifi- cance of nature and solitude, stresses the personal moral obligation to pro- tect both nature and inhabitants of nature through conservation, and aims at conserving resources for future generations. It is associated with the protection of ecologically valuable habitats, reduction of water and energy use, use of local materials for construction of accommodation (‘eco-cabins’,
‘eco-lodges’), and prevention and reduction of waste. Western ecotourists, as studied in Chapter 3, are very sensitive to deforestation, perceived loss of animal habitat, litter, human waste and vandalism. They fre- quently complain about inhabitants of tourism destinations who do not take care of these matters and do not have the right attitudes towards the environment.
Acottet al. (1998) draw a distinction between ‘deep ecotourists’ and
‘shallow ecotourists’. For the latter, nature is valued according to its usefulness to humans. The environment is seen as a resource which can be exploited to maximize the benefits to humans (p. 244). ‘Deep eco- tourism’ encapsulates a range of ideas which (among other things) include the importance of intrinsic value in nature, emphasis on small-scale travel, participation of local communities in tourism devel- opment, and (temporarily) renouncing luxury (p. 245). Deep eco- tourists are first and foremost found among Westerners who are strongly influenced by the Protestant ethic, particularly among Western
‘dedicated’ tourists.
Sustainable tourism development as a Protestant concept
The ‘Brundtland Report’ Our Common Future(1987) reflects Protestant values such as stewardship, individual moral responsibility for the fate of future generations, the need to protect and preserve the resources of the earth, etc. Sustainable development in these terms is a Western concept.
The definition of sustainable tourism development that is adopted by the World Tourism Organization is based on the ‘Brundtland’
definition:
Sustainable tourism development meets the needs of present tourists and host regions while protecting and enhancing opportunity for the future. It is envisaged as leading to management of all resources in such a way that eco- nomic, social and aesthetic needs can be fulfilled while maintaining cul- tural integrity, essential ecological processes, biological diversity and life support systems.
(www.world-tourism.org) According to the WTO, sustainable tourism should:
Operate in harmony with the local environment, communities and cultures, so that these become permanent beneficiaries and not victims of tourism development.
(www.world-tourism.org) The WTO definition is commonly translated into finding a balance between the three Ps of People, Planet and Profit.
Virtually all tourism development plans in developing countries (as well as developed countries!) refer to sustainable tourism development as something highly desirable or self-evident. Rarely is the Western bias of this concept the subject of discussion or debate. Literature on tourism is dominated by academics working essentially to ‘Western’ discourses (Prentice, 2004, p. 276). Through the World Tourism Organization, United Nations Development Programme, United Nations Environment Pro- gramme, European Union, World Bank, regional development banks, NGOs for nature protection, NGOs for development aid, national minis- tries, etc., Western authors, consultants, trainers, teachers and develop- ment-aid workers are implementing essentially Western concepts such as sustainable tourism and ecotourism in non-Western countries. Thus Third World tourism has created a huge range of job opportunities for the new middle classes in the First World (Mowforth and Munt, 2nd edition, 2003, p. 127). To be effective, these concepts should at least be applied practi- cally in the local conditions (see the case study of Bali). Tourism trainers and consultants should be able to take national and local destination per- spectives as a starting point of their professional activities. They should be able to distance themselves from the moral debate concerning the most appropriate way of holidaying, which is primarily a Western, First World debate. This debate is, according to Mowforth and Munt (p. 26), highly polarized and simplified, equating to ‘tourists=mass tourism=bad’ and
‘travellers = appropriate travelling = good’. The following section will argue that this simplistic view from a First World perspective is not effective.
Challenges for tourism education
Universities and other institutions – both in the West and South – that aim at educating and training consultants, teachers and trainers, face the chal- lenge of taking national and local destination perspectives as a starting point of their educational activities. Students should be enabled to con- duct fieldwork in destination areas to learn about local perspectives and put tourism concepts and tools into practice in the local conditions. Com- petencies to make destination analyses in terms of a stakeholder analysis, resource analysis, demand analysis and impact analysis, as well as com- petencies to develop visions, goals and strategies to bring about tourism that meets the needs of both host regions and selected types of tourists are essential ingredients of any programme. If anything, consultants, teachers and trainers should learn how to assess the tourism potential of a destina- tion area, not only in terms of institutional development and availability of resources but even more so in terms of market potential.
To sum up, concepts such as sustainable tourism development, ethnic tourism, ecotourism, conservation of ecosystems in protected areas – although used in tourism development plans all over the world – are essen- tially Western Protestant concepts. Rarely is the Western bias of these concepts the subject of discussion or debate. These concepts are distrib- uted by Western consultants through a multitude of international organi- zations, as well as national ministries and NGOs. For these concepts to be
Bali
In 2004, Dutch consultants, sponsored by the Dutch Ministry of Environment, cooperated with stakeholders from both public and private sector in the Indonesian island of Bali to create ‘a toolkit to develop and promote sustainable tourism in Asia’ (CREM, 2004). They used to employ the West- ern People–Planet–Profit concept of sustainable tourism development that aims at finding a balance between these three elements. The Balinese, however, have a different concept of sustainable tourism development, Tri Hita Karana (THK), that aims at finding a balance between the social environment (‘pawongan’), the spiritual environment (‘parhyangan’), and the natural environment (‘palemahan’) (van Aart, 2004, p. 62). This concept is deeply rooted in Balinese Hinduism. In recent years, a ‘THK Award and Certification Programme’ has been launched to promote sustainable practice in the Balinese accommodation sector. Comparison of the THK criteria with the checklist of the European tour operator TUI revealed a great difference, THK stressing the social and spiritual elements, TUI stressing the environmental (‘planet’) elements. Discussing sustainable tourism development appeared to be effective only from the Balinese THK perspective.
effective, tourism consultants and trainers should be able to take national and local destination perspectives as a starting point of their professional activities and put tourism concepts and tools into practice under local conditions.