In the 21st century, with the rise of China and the relative decline of the United States (US), the US-China relationship and the strategic environment in Northeast Asia are changing. Such changes in China's foreign relations policy and strategy and in the strategic environment in Northeast Asia are more likely to influence unification on the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, it is necessary to carefully analyze the international situation surrounding the Korean Peninsula and examine China's foreign relations with countries in Northeast Asia, Central Asia and Southeast Asia.
This research provides an analysis of China's foreign policy in these three regions in order to understand the international circumstances surrounding the Korean Peninsula. The first part of this book explains China's main diplomatic relations with four East Asian countries: Japan, Russia, North Korea, and Taiwan. This section suggests that China's active policy towards Central Asian countries in the last decade is a result of the increased importance of the region for China.
Taking into account the aforementioned factors, China's increased influence in the region and intensified relations with neighboring countries are mainly examined. It is particularly important for policymakers in South Korea and other countries to understand China's foreign relations in the transitional situation at the East Asian regional level as well as at the global level.
Introduction
The rise of China and the change in the East Asian strategic environment
In the 21st century, the relative decline of the USA, the rapid rise of China and the emergence of new powers centered around the BRICS have brought about a change in the international strategic environment at the global level. Such a situation of global transition at the global level has not a little affected East Asia. Economic interdependence has increased due to the increased volume of regional trade in East Asia.
But unlike in the EU, political and security cooperation in the region remained low-profile. In such a situation, the emergence of China as a new great power has had a significant impact on the change in the East Asian strategic environment. More specifically, to strengthen China's political status in the international community in relation to the rise of its economic power, President Xi defined the future relations between the US and China as 'a new model of larger country relations'.
This means that Japan is actively pursuing a strategy of encircling China based on the US-Japan alliance. In short, the strategic environment of East Asia is changing as China rises as a new great power.
Main purpose and significance of the research
On the other hand, cooperation between China and Russia shows its limitations in Central Asia, where Russia is checking the spread of China's power.
Main contents of the research
This chapter analyzes the historical background of the China-Taiwan relationship and the interaction between China and Taiwan's persuasion logics. The conclusion discusses four possible choices of the Republic of Korea (here South Korea or ROK), which sees China's rapid rise, gradual revisionism and possible conflict with the US; (1) balancing with the US; (2) bandwagoning with China; 3) a policy of equidistance between China and the US; and (4) a multilateral diplomatic and security network. After the end of the Cold War, this term referred to internal issues, when various groups within national borders opposed the government or its policies.
2014 is an exciting year for Myanmar as the country is chairing ASEAN for the first time seventeen years after its membership of the association. Such activities show that Myanmar is no longer a reclusive kingdom and now becomes a responsible member of the international community. Since the end of the Cold War, Vietnamese foreign policy has undergone a remarkable change from acting as a member of the Communists.
Pivot to Asia' is not only about containing China, but about peace, progress and prosperity throughout the region. Regarding the disputes in the South China Sea, all states expect China as a rising power to respect the DOC and work with others to achieve a COC soon.
Northeast Asia and China’s External Relations
- Xi Jinping Administration’s policy towards Japan: Will China and Japan go to war?
- An overview of Xi Jinping’s foreign policy
- Xi Jinping’s policy towards Japan: continuity and development
- Comparing Xi Jinping’s policy towards Japan with predecessor Hu Jintao’s policy towards Japan
- Conclusion: the future of Xi Jinping administration ’ s policy towards Japan and its factors
- China-Russia Relations
- The developments of China-Russia relations in Northeast Asia in the post-Cold War era
- The developments of China-Russia strategic partnership relations
- Russia’s policy toward China
- China’s policy toward Russia
- Mutual Objectives of China-Russia Strategic Cooperation
- The limitations and problems of China-Russia strategic partnership relations
- North Korea-China Relations at a Transition
- China’s policies on the Korean Peninsula
- Particularities in North Korea-China relations
- Rift in North Korea-China relations?
- Conclusion: prospects for North Korea-China relations
- China-Taiwan Relations 51
- Background
- Since 2008
- Prospects for New Progress in China-Taiwan Relations
- What Taiwan Should Fear
- Can China and Taiwan Avoid the Worst?
- Conclusion
This is because the national strategies and goals of the two countries are very different in the regions. Since the inauguration of Xi Jinping's government in 2013, it has behaved in an unprecedented manner in relations with North Korea. To this end, he will first review China's policy on the Korean Peninsula and then analyze in detail the relationship between North Korea and China in the twenty-first century.
Finally, it will conclude with an analysis of future prospects for China's relations with North Korea. China states that at the time, the North Korean nuclear crisis involved North Korea and the United States. He also emphasized that in the interest of both leaders, China and North Korea entered a new phase of bilateral cooperation.
Vice Governor of Liaoning and on the North Korean side, Hong Gil-nam, Vice Chairman of the North Pyongan Provincial People's Committee attended the event. North Korean participants included Vice Chairman of the North Korea Joint Venture Investment Committee Ri Chol-sok. It is true that there have been many changes in China's North Korea strategy since the launch of the Xi administration.
In the area of trade, China, as a member of the WTO, granted North Korea favorable treatments. After the conclusion of the North Korea-China Treaty in 1961, the two states' leaders used the terms 'intrusion' and. Putting such logic into the context of the Korean Peninsula, as long as the ROK-U.S.
On the other hand, it is interesting to note what North Korea's former leaders have done in the past. A certain degree of strategic change can be observed in China's North Korea policy following North Korea's nuclear tests. Below are changes in China's perception of its North Korea strategy, based on the editorials.
In this context, China's sanctions against North Korea will be carried out on its own initiative. For China, maintaining such relations between North Korea and China is a way to realize peace and stability in the region. The aim and direction of China's policy on North Korea is strictly based on its national interests and objective grounds.
Finally, there is the question of whether there is a connection between the North Korea and Taiwan issues.
Part 2. Central Asia and China’s External Relations
- China’s Policy towards Central Asia under the Xi Jinping Leadership
- China’s Interests in Central Asia
- China’s Contemporary Strategy towards Central Asia
- Prospects of China’s regional policy and its implications for the Korean Peninsula
- Central Asian States’ Responses to China’s Expansion of Power
- Geopolitics of Central Asia and China
In fact, China is currently Central Asia's largest regional investor and trading partner. The third point of the proposal deserves attention in particular, as it calls for "[as soon as possible] an agreement on the facilitation of international road traffic, the establishment of transport corridors connecting the Baltic Sea and the Pacific Ocean and [...] connecting Central Asia with the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf." Xi's call warrants consideration as it touched on fundamental issues in China's geopolitical thinking. In relation to the growing bond between China and Central Asia in recent years, questions have arisen: what is the core of China's policy towards Central Asia.
But China's policy goals in Central Asia in the 1990s were relatively conservative and could be summarized in four points. Beginning at the turn of the millennium, China pushed relations with Central Asia into another stage of increased development. It is clear that China has engaged Central Asia with active policies in the last decade.
2007年，中国与中亚国家还积极提出建立区域能源战略和能源组织。80_杨红梅，《中国在中亚的对外政策解析》，石油杂志新疆教育学院，No. 87_于正，中俄美在中亚：合作与竞争（中、俄、美在中亚的合作与竞争）（北京：社会科学文献出版社，2007年），第14页。
Signed the Charter of the SCO and the Agreement on Anti-Terrorism Agency in the Region. Beijing's successive efforts established the necessary infrastructure for personnel and commercial exchange between China and Central Asia. In addition to increasing the consolidation of political and economic interactions with Central Asia and making effective use of the SCO, China also needs to strengthen its cooperation with Russia to balance against the U.S.
Along with the establishment of strategic partnerships with Turkey in 2010 and Belarus in 2013, the security of the corridor connecting Central Asia and the New Silk Road seems to be an obvious foreign policy goal. Until now, China's official foreign policy towards Central Asia had been advanced quietly and cautiously. China emphasized the need to develop the economy of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and therefore linked it to regional development in Central Asia.
Some see China's recent projects to build basic infrastructure in Central Asia as important to building a land bridge. Previous research has focused specifically on the regional strategies of superpowers such as Russia, China, and the United States, and has rarely considered the responses of the five Central Asian states to them.
