Table 2.4 Explanation of the water security index
Source: Babel & Shinde (2018)
down and properly framed (Octavianti & Staddon, 2021; Scott et al., 2013; Stucki & Sojamo, 2012; Sun et al., 2016). Scholars and practitioners understood that inadequate metrics might derail policy interventions and the management of the problem. Implementing a broad water security concept at a national scale requires a context-sensitive water security assessment. Moreover, water security in practice includes implementation obstacles that require coordination, cooperation, and financial support makers (Dickson et al., 2016; Gaber et al., 2021; OECD, 2013). Consequently, robust water governance is critical in implementing a national water security strategy. Policy recommendations on strengthening water security are based on simplifying water-human- economy-environment links and risk analysis to define ‘security through certainty’ (Zeitoun et al., 2016). Maintaining water security depends on adaptive governance, including adaptive capacity, resilience, and capacity building (Akamani, 2016; Norman et al., 2013; UN Water, 2013).
Water security is framed, defined, and measured differently across geographical regions depending on the context (Cook & Bakker, 2012; Gaber et al., 2021; Gerlak et al., 2018; Holmatov et al., 2017; Norman et al., 2013; Sun et al., 2016). Most studies about water security are case- study research, and policy recommendations are context-specific. Since water security is context- specific, each country sets different water security priorities. For example, water security priorities differ among water-rich and water-scarce countries. Water security assessments vary because of hydrological characteristics, geographical and climate conditions, and water needs and demands.
Studies on water security in East Asia are associated with cities, in Australia with water quantity and availability because of an arid climate, in North Africa, and Middle East regions link water security with geopolitical issues at a national scale (Cook & Bakker, 2012; OECD, 2013;
Zeitoun et al., 2016). The US Environmental Protection Agency prioritizes drinking water supply and infrastructure security. In the case of China, water availability and water pollution are critical dimensions of water security because of high population density and industrial development (Sun et al., 2016). According to the analysis of Octavianti & Staddon (2021), China is one of the most famous case studies because of growing concerns on water security at the country level. However,
most of them are in the Chinese language. These examples show high variation in framing water security among different regions because of “institutional agendas, programmatic objectives, disciplinary approaches, theoretical learning, political preferences, views of justice and equity, and geographical settings” (Gerlak et al., 2018, p.86). However, the dominant formulation of water security remains in terms of water scarcity in relation to water demand in many regions.
According to Octavianti & Staddon (2021), future studies on water security assessment might show the impact of water insecurity on other sectors and areas to show the importance of improving water security. They also suggested evaluating water security in specific locations to reveal and manage water security challenges in particular areas. Local understanding of water security perceptions might help conceptualize water security at the national level (Zeitoun et al., 2016).
Water has always been a critical driver for economic development and livelihood in Central Asia. The importance of water security issues in Central Asia involves political and economic aspects in terms of a common history as a part of the Soviet Union, then building independent states with interdependent water infrastructure. After the collapse of the USSR, Central Asia countries moved from regional development to national strategies (Abdullaev et al., 2019; Stucki
& Sojamo, 2012; Wegerich, 2011). Several studies noted that in the post- Soviet time, Central Asia countries were restructuring national priorities, and water security has become an increasingly salient issue based on technical (engineering) solutions due to financial difficulties, social instability, and policy uncertainties (Abdullaev & Rakhmatullaev, 2016; Djanibekov et al., 2013; Granit et al., 2012; Guillaume et al., 2015). However, the engineering approach of water professionals for water allocation and discharges is still dominant in the region.
Water security in Central Asia is often interpreted as a sufficient quantity of water is available and accessible in inadequate supply. For example, scholars used water scarcity, the ratio between water withdrawal and water availability, as indicators in analyzing river basin vulnerability in Central Asia (Varis & Kummu, 2012). The analysis of physical water scarcity as
a function of water shortage and water stress revealed water overuse and high-water consumption in the region (Porkka et al., 2012). The analysis of water security from the water management angle revealed the following problems: the existence of an inefficient agricultural sector, which is, indeed, the primary water user; the presence of industrial waste that may impact the level of pollution of transboundary rivers, and, finally, the poor governance and the politics of water policy in Central Asia (Amirova et al., 2019; Djanibekov et al., 2013; Karatayev et al., 2017; Krasznai, 2019; Stucki & Sojamo, 2012). In addition to unequal water distribution, institutional mechanisms to ensure water security in the region are weak. Studies also stated that Central Asia countries often meet and discuss water issues in various platforms promoted mainly by international donor organizations but fail to come up with agreements—which inevitably leads to problems of cooperation, implementation, and coordination (Zakhirova, 2013; Ziganshina & Janusz-Pawletta, 2020). As Mirumachi (2013) stated, the main challenge of transboundary water security is a political question about water allocation and reallocation; however, transboundary river basin organization and cooperation agreement do not necessarily lead to better water allocation.
Scholars discuss the obstacles in achieving water security in the region, such as poor water governance, lack of regional coordination, and weak institutions in the water sector (Himes, 2017;
Krasznai, 2019; Sehring et al., 2019; Stucki & Sojamo, 2012). The aspect of water governance received the lowest attention from scholars in the context of water security in the Central Asia region and Afghanistan. Water management differs among Central Asia countries in administration and planning, complicating regional coordination on water issues (Abdullaev et al., 2019; Sehring et al., 2019, 2021). For example, the Committee of water resources is responsible for water policy in Kazakhstan, the Ministry of water resources in Uzbekistan, the Agency of water resources in Kyrgyzstan, and others. Water resources management also varies regarding hydraulic boundaries (river basins) in Kazakhstan, irrigation systems in Uzbekistan, and administrative boundaries in Kyrgyzstan. Water governance's path-dependency from the Soviet Union is reflected in national water legacies and centralized water bureaucracy (Abdolvand et al., 2015; Sehring et
al., 2021; Wegerich, 2011). Hence, fragmented national water governance in countries complicates water resources management and achieving water security in Central Asia. Furthermore, regional organizations responsible for water cooperation were criticized for promoting the national water agenda where they are located (Allouche, 2007; Himes, 2017). Studies also stated that Central Asia countries often meet and discuss water issues in various platforms promoted mainly by international donor organizations but fail to come up with agreements—which inevitably leads to problems of cooperation, implementation, and coordination (Zakhirova, 2013; Ziganshina &
Janusz-Pawletta, 2020). Moreover, many water management organizations in Central Asia share common challenges: limited funding, insufficient human capacity, aging water infrastructure, and others (Abdolvand et al., 2015; Abdullaev et al., 2019; Amirova et al., 2019). Moreover, the relevant literature emphasized brain drain, generational knowledge gap, lack of engineers and researchers in the water sector (Abdolvand et al., 2015; Sehring, 2020).
While policymakers and scholars alike have been aware of the saliency of water security issues, little progress has been made as to how such a question could be addressed. Worse, policymakers' decisions (or lack thereof) do not seem to reflect the lessons learned in the scholarly literature adequately. To some extent, this suboptimal communication between politicians and scholars demonstrates that water security is a broad phenomenon with several different aspects and subdimensions. Despite the many metrics and indexes devised to measure water security, there is not yet much consensus on how water security should be measured or the best way to do so in the context of Central Asia. Assessment of water security perceptions and their understanding in the Central Asia context remains a relatively understudied area of scholarly inquiry. In addition to that, the interpretation of water security in transboundary basins is overlooked because of the difficulty of achieving a common water security strategy (Albrecht et al., 2018; Mirumachi, 2013;
Tortajada & Fernandez, 2018). The case of Central Asia could be a case of transboundary river basins.
Chapter 3
Data and Methodology
3 DATA AND METHODOLOGY
Mixed method research design helps to explore the research inquiry by combining quantitative and qualitative research methods. Since the 1980s, mixed methods have gained popularity among scholars studying social and human sciences (Bowen et al., 2017; Bryman, 2016;
Creswell, 2014; Ivankova et al., 2006). Mixed methods are based on a pragmatic paradigm by synthesizing the quantitative and qualitative methods and triangulating findings. This thesis applied the exploratory sequential mixed method, meaning data collection and analysis are conducted in phases, including quantitative and qualitative research methods.
Four stages of the thesis's exploratory sequential mixed method design are illustrated in Figure 3.1. In the first phase, peer-reviewed journal articles discussing water security aspects in Central Asia were collected, then coded using the NVivo qualitative software and analyzed with content analysis to identify water security trends. The second stage included a survey with two rounds of the Delphi method to explore perceptions and opinions about water security among regional and international experts and practitioners using the Qualtrics software. Additionally, descriptive and inferential statistics were conducted using the MNL regression in the SPSS program. In the third phase, I compared findings of the previous two stages about water security trends and ranking of water security dimensions suggested by scholars and practitioners. Finally, the last stage consisted of qualitative semi-structured interviews with relevant stakeholders about river basin management in Kazakhstan. The thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews was transcribed and coded using the NVivo software. Four stages were conducted separately in sequence, but all stages were interconnected. Each part of the research methodology, including data collection, sampling, and data analysis, is discussed in detail in the following sub-sections.
Figure 3.1 Exploratory sequential research design