VICE PRESIDENT
3.5 The Church and the State in Nigeria
The colonial approach to Muslims in the north of the country – so the present researcher has established may have been aimed at placating them and avoiding further antagonism than that which already existed as a result of British colonization of the region.
The British policy of indirect rule through Muslim rulers in the north, whatever motivated it, assisted in the spread of Islam in the country. In the same vein, it is important to note that the colonial government had no problem accepting the Anglican Church because its bishops were appointed from England by the king or queen. Since the territory fell under the crown, the Anglican Church also became the state church and eventually, after independence, the
“Church of Nigeria”. As outlined above, the Catholic church, although not the first church in modern day Nigeria, became highly popular, gaining wider influence than the Anglican church established in 1842 through the activities of freed slaves from Sierra Leone. The Catholic Church started its work twenty-three years later in 1865.
Since colonial days, the church in Nigeria has been traditionally Catholic and Anglican. The two streams have always been identified as the “Catholic” and the “Protestant”
churches. However, eventually, the term “Protestant” came to stand for all churches that were not Catholic. Subsequent governments in Nigeria maintained the religious legacy left by the British after independence and the government continues to treat the Catholic and Protestant traditions as equal, especially in the military service where Catholicism and Protestantism enjoy the same status. The Islamic (basically the Sunni) tradition is also recognized by the military.
After independence, while the national government continued to deal with the two religions on a strictly equal basis, at the provincial level and later also at state levels, the locally dominant Christian denominations were identified and local governments dealt directly with them.
The Catholic cardinal of Lagos and the Anglican archbishop of the Province of Nigeria enjoyed patronage from the Nigerian government. Their voices were heard and respected in government circles. Through them the church could, and still can, criticise government. Ellis and Ter Haar argued in their World of Power: Religious Thoughts and Political Practice in Africa, that: “…it is largely through religious ideas that Africans think of the world today, and that religious ideas provide them with a means of becoming social and political actors.”184 The two aauthors argue that in Africa, religious belief has a huge impact on politics, from the top of society to the bottom. Religious ideas show what people
184 Ellis, S. and Ter Haar, World of Power: Religious Thoughts and Political Practice in Africa, Oxford University Press, New York, 2004, p.2.
actually think about the world and how to deal with it. This is true about Nigeria because no where in Africa is this most pronounced like Nigeria. Thus, the church in Nigeria provides a basis for unity among many ethnic groups because of their religious affinity.
Despite the fact that most Protestant churches quickly indigenised leadership after Nigerian independence in 1960, the Catholic Church nonetheless, retained its foreign priests and bishops for a longer period. This strengthened the Catholic Church‟s universal out-look as the priests and bishops adopted or created families for themselves in their various parishes and dioceses. As a result, the Catholic Church maintained clearly distinct from Protestant churches in their employment of foreign clergy and workers but when it comes to responsiveness in social and political matters in the country, both protestant and the catholic faithfuls deal with it together.
Ten years after independence, most Protestant churches had indigenous leadership.
The government then decided to indigenise or nationalise church schools and church hospitals. This was not well accepted by Christians, especially in northern Nigeria, where Christians were apprehensive as regards the Muslim agenda. Christians believed that this government policy was not in their interest as Muslims had no schools or hospitals to surrender. Correspondingly, the Muslim-controlled governments in the north hastened to take over church schools and hospitals that had thus far been considered as centres of evangelisation by the churches.185
The role of spokesperson for the church in Nigeria changed as from 1977. This was the year in which the Christian Association of Nigeria was established, mainly on the demand from northern Christian elders. The Northern Nigerian Christian Elders Forum was saddened by the execution of young army officers in 1976 who had been implicated in the aborted coup in February that year. Most were Christians from the north of Nigeria. The feeling among the northern Christian elders was that their young men were being singled out for annihilation.
After prolonged negotiations, Christian elders from other parts of Nigeria joined them to create the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), meant to function as the political vanguard for Christians in Nigeria.186
With the creation of the CAN, the role thus far played by the Catholic cardinal and by the archbishop of the Anglican Church was transferred to the president of CAN. The
185 Pwedon, N. 2005, pp.104-105.
186 The researcher was one of the founding members of the CAN in 1976. The execution of military officers after the February 1976 failed coup, in which General Murtala was killed, was considered by Christians as being unfair and not proportionate to the crime committed. The officers executed were 95% Christians from the north of the country, therefore, the Christian leaders in the north of Nigeria believed their young officers were being singled out for annihilation. Thus the need for an association like CAN to check the excesses of a Muslim controlled government in Nigeria.
president of CAN became the mouthpiece of Christians and was respected as such by successive governments in Nigeria.187
Through the CAN, the Christian church in Nigeria enjoys privileges:
i. It is free to oppose government decisions, even under military dictatorships and to influence government policies;
ii. It can criticise government policies and actions; and
iii. It does not hesitate to criticise its bishops or leaders when there is evidence of the leadership playing into the hands of politicians.188
It could be observed that, on several occasions, certain CAN functionaries have played into the hands of government officials who eventually even made a number of CAN officials into „flying bishops‟. On the whole however, government has refrained from harassing or imprisoning church leaders or preachers in answer to statements coming from the pulpits. On the other hand however, government became more apprehensive of the closeness of press, bishops and community.
The researcher observed that politicians have also become aware of the fact that they will be termed good politicians by the church only if they come to church and support church programmes. Ogbu Kalu puts his finger on exactly this point when he writes, referring to the Pentecostals:
In the last few decades, the relationship between charismatism and political mobilization has intensified. Many presidents have declared themselves to be born- again, so have myriads of politicians who seek the powerful prayers and group intercessions of the Pentecostal and charismatic leaders and sodalities. There is a conscious use of charismatic mass appeal to build up potential voters for godly candidates. Since mission-founded churches have always sought the ears of rulers, the new Christianity wants to forge a link with any ruler who wants to yield to Christ”.189
Governments have thus been able to use the CAN to their own advantage. Many politicians quote the Bible during election campaigns to convince the church that they are good Christians, despite the fact that they do not always do what the Bible verses say. The politicians also provide patronage to crusades. They are eager to be invited to such events at the beginning of their tenures, but often soon lose interest.190
187The presidency of the CAN however was held throughout the Military Regime in Nigeria by the Catholic cardinal in Nigeria out of respect for his position in the church in Nigeria. In the last two years the president of the PFN has taken over from the Catholic archbishop of Abuja as CAN national president.
188Christian Association of Nigeria, Adamawa State Secretariat, Yola, Classified files. 2009.
189 Kalu, Ogbu U. 2008. African Pentecostalism. New York: Oxford University Press, p.221.
190 During a discussion with members of the Living Faith Church in Jimeta the question was asked as to how many of the politicians that went round soliciting support and that got political offices came back to worship with the church. The answer was: none came back after the elections. The following question was: why don't
The politicians know that the moment they show evidence of being morally corrupt, the very church they have been supporting may turn against them. Therefore, politicians are very careful in their dealings with the church. In other words, politicians in Nigeria know that the church will stand by its views, even if the president of the country ignores these. The church, therefore, has powers at its disposal.
It is clear that the Nigerian population considers the church as the only organ that can speak to the conscience of every citizen, but many get disappointed as the following outpouring by a social scientist indicates.
Most of the downtrodden in Nigeria believe that the church is capable of filling the role of „conscience of the nation‟ and that it could function as a moral arbiter with regard to national issues. But what do we see instead? The church is still too divided and not able to transcend its history, to unite and to confront government. Leaders of the church are playing into the hands of politicians and greedy government officials who use them for personal interest. We have Muslim fundamentalism which is a great threat to peace in Nigeria. Muslim intention is to remain a determining factor in the selection of who rules Nigeria. Why should the church shy away from its responsibility to be the promoter of good moral conduct in Nigeria? … Unfortunately, just as materialism is destroying the church, after that it will destroy the nation.191 Barrett claims that by mid-2000 the Nigerian population was for 45.9% Christian, 43.9% Muslim and the remaining 11.2% consisted of ethno-religionists, non-religionists and others.192 Hence, the perception of Muslim supremacy in Nigeria is not a reality. Rather Muslims feel threatened by the Christian majority and are putting up a bold face.
Expected future trends, Barrett claims, indicate that, “declines in tribal religions (73% in 1900 to 7.7% projected by 2025) are picked up as gains shared between Christians and Muslims. Christians are expected to grow from 43.8% in 1970 to 47.0% by 2025.
Muslims are expected to grow from 43.9% in 1970 to 44.9% by 2025.”193
they come back? The response was, that the church doesn‟t know. It however wants to believe the politicians have their own churches. In the main Baptist congregation in Yola, one of the politicians who won in the elections had organized a thanksgiving service for his new office. The present researcher was in attendance.
The local pastor in his sermon decried how politicians would come to his church, soliciting votes, but, after winning the elections, they do not remember to come to thank God. He addressed specifically the celebrant for the service, saying, “I know today may be the last day you will come to the church as you did not use to come in the past. After today's service we may see you only occasionally.”
Much of the lack of interest on the part of politicians comes obviously from having to deal with the responsibilities and demands associated with their public office. Some lack of interest could result from fear that appeals to their conscience will be made from the pulpit. Other politicians may want to avoid being prodded by the public to fulfill the promises they made during electioneering campaigns.
191A social scientist interviewed in Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria, 11th January, 2005.
192 Barrett, Kurian, and Johnson, (eds.). 2001, p.549.
193 Barrett, Kurian, and Johnson, (eds.). 2001, p.552.
As mentioned previously, it remains a painful point for Christians that the colonial policy of indirect rule in northern Nigeria allowed traditional Muslim leaders to retain and increase their influence, contributing to the spread of Islam at the time. 194
Muslims gained a good deal of strength during the colonial era to the detriment of those non-Muslim communities which eventually became Christian. The Christian community still believes that, if it doesn‟t remain vigilant, the Muslims, many of whom have become exceedingly wealthy and who are believed to receive support from Muslim countries for the islamisation of Nigeria, will take control of the country.
The desire of Muslims that Nigeria rejoins the OIC and the implementation of Islamic law (Sharia) in northern Nigeria, have informed some militant CAN publications that challenge certain pro-Islamic Nigerian leaders. The implementation of Sharia by certain state governments has created a sense of unease in much of Nigeria and, although the real intention of those trying to enforce Islamic law is not known, the advent of Sharia was greeted with cynicism by Muslims and Christians alike in many quarters. Islamic law is no longer fervently embraced, even in states at whose inception it was first introduced. The benefit Nigeria has derived from implementation of the Sharia remains a subject for further research.
A crucial aspect of church-state relations in Nigeria is determined by what Christians think their role should be in the face of the social, economic and political trends in the country. This point is the focus of the present thesis. Ruth Marshall believes that, when it comes to politics and democratization and a failing government, “…churches are expected to take on a role similar to that of human rights groups, (but as it is now) little attention is paid to the huge body of believers, to popular forms of Christian belief and practice.”195 In other words, the leaders can talk and attack state machinery but, as Marshall says, while it is important “for Christian leaders to speak out in favour of democratisation … we must ask how representative this discourse is – is there a body of believers constructing this discourse, and giving weight to it, or are leaders simply speaking out because they have a voice?”196 The leaders indeed do have a voice and speak out from time to time, but their voices do not always carry weight as many church leaders have in one way or other accepted favours from the political class. If they have received gifts in cash or kind from particular politicians whose conscience needs to be addressed, it becomes difficult to do so fearlessly and unbiased.
194 Hickey, 1984, p.19.
195 Gifford P; Ruth Marshall, E.J. Brill (eds.). 1995. The Christian Churches and The Democratisation of Africa:
Pentecostalism and Democratisation in Nigeria. New York: Brill Academic Publishers, p.240.
196 Gifford, Marshall and Brill (eds.), 1995, p.243.
Despite the fact that the Pentecostals have impacted on Nigerian Christianity and society in ways that the mainline churches have not, Matthew A. Ojo, in a paper delivered at a seminar of the Centre for Law and Social Action (CLASA), states that, “…generally, leaders of the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements have largely responded to political events, and have not formulated any critical opinion about governance.”197 Many committed Christians however, are beginning to realise that in order to make an impact, the church needs to look inward and re-focus on providing effective service and to do more than only criticizing the government.
In the last few decades, the relationship between charismatism and political mobilization has intensified. Many presidents and politicians have declared themselves born- again and there is a conscious use of charismatic mass appeal by politicians to get voters on their side. Mission-founded churches have always sought the ear of rulers and, following this example, the new Christianity forges links with any ruler willing to yield to Christ.
The Pentecostal churches respond to the socio-economic disintegration of the country in ways that are by the population perceived as practically, psychologically, and spiritually helpful, as opposed to mainline churches who limit themselves mostly to making public statements against corruption. Pentecostalists are popular due to interest in the problems of daily living of Nigerians. They offer material assistance, encouragement, and hope in the face of socio-economic turmoil. For example, T. B. Joshua, a Pentecostal preacher, has been most supportive of people in trouble. He offers monetary and material assistance, helps to build hospitals and provides scholarships to students.198
The CLASA seminar, mentioned above, aimed to define the role of the church in the political process – in enhancing good, accountable, and stable governance and in stimulating the evolution of civil society. Ojo states that, “…the gathering, seeks to understand the role Pentecostal and charismatic churches can play in the upliftment of the standard of governance and to combat corruption in the country.”199 In his presentation at a seminar in Leeds (September 1993), Matthew H. Kukah argued that:
The church in its bid to stamp out corruption and uplift the standard of governance in Nigeria has encouraged Christians and clergy to go into politics and stand for elected offices. This is interesting that Christians of the mainline strand who always stood against their members going into politics are changing their attitude towards politics, as the Pentecostals individually and as a group spear-head the drive for getting into politics by Christians. They align with politicians in State houses and some of them
197 Ojo, M.A. 2004. “Pentecostalism, Public Accountability and Governance in Nigeria”. Lagos, Oct18, p.2
198 http://pmnewsnigeria.com/2011/06/17/i/u2014m-not-among-richest-pastors-/u2014tb-joshua/ Accessed 2nd August 2011, p. 2.
199 http://pmnewsnigeria.com/2011/06/17/i/u2014m-not-among-richest-pastors-/u2014tb-joshua/ Accessed 2nd August 2011, p.2.
vied for political office and are now holding offices. The transformation they hope to bring into politics and governance is nowhere to be found as corruption continues unabated in governance.200