VICE PRESIDENT
4.6 Factors Leading to the Growth of Pentecostalism in Adamawa
The reasons for the growth of Pentecostalism in Adamawa in particular according to the interviewees and respondents to the questionnaire are its
i. commitment in prayer;
ii. Visitation of members;
iii. Aggressive evangelism;
iv. Bible studies and style of worship;
v. claim to offer solutions to problems;
vi. Prosperity messages and the lack of accountability;
vii. Claim of meeting African needs;
viii. Aggressive and persuasive posture;
ix. Use of modern musical instruments;
x. good communication and use of electronic medium;
211 Response to question 32in the questionnaire, 2005
212 Responses to question 13in the questionnaire, 2005.
xi. Ability to adapt to what people want and like to hear; and
xii. Claim to perform miracles, display of wealth and healing powers.213
The responses above represent the replies received from respondents and what people in Adamawa in particular and Nigeria in general say they believe motivate growth for
Pentecostalism. These responses however, are indicative of perceptions rather than of tested evidence.
Interrogations were made as to if the Pentecostals have something that is missing in the mainline churches? Or, better, what is it the Pentecostals have which the mainline do not have? In answer to this question, most persons interviewed argued that Pentecostals have:
i. lively worship styles;
ii. adopted contextualization in their theology;
iii. modernised their church administration;
iv. zeal for matters affecting the Christian cause;
v. encouraged tithing;
vi. Prayer warriors and serious Bible study programmes;
vii. Use of power from the devil; and
viii. Encourage emotionalism and illiterate clergy.
What Pentecostals, according to respondents, do not have, is i. any tradition;
ii. Anything the traditional churches do not have;
iii. Anything to copy from;
iv. Any liturgy; and v. any philosophy.214
One question remains a puzzle. The question is whether Pentecostals succeed where the mainline churches have failed? Any answer given to this question should be judged against the background of the respondent‟s level of understanding and knowledge of the history of the church. There is evidence of the church responding to social events throughout history. However, the prophets of Israel and other prophets of world religions did address social problems not so much for their own sake as for other reasons that were, to their minds, of primary importance. Weber puts it succinctly:
The Israelite prophets were concerned with the social and other types of injustice as a violation of the Mosaic code primarily in order to explain God‟s wrath, and not in order to institute a programme of social reform. It is noteworthy that the real theoretician of social reform, Ezekiel, was a priestly theorist who can scarcely be
213 Response to question 14in the questionnaire, 2005.
214 Response to question 15 in the questionnaire, 2005.
categorized as a prophet at all. Finally, Jesus was not at all interested in social reform as such.215
What type of reform are the Pentecostals introducing? What is their primary concern?
All the reforms, throughout history introduced by the church, had primary objectives. Even John Wesley, father of the Holiness Movement, had a primary concern to address. What then is the primary concern of the new Pentecostals in Nigeria?
The African way of worship in combination with the American mega-church styles of worship provided a fertile ground for Pentecostal religiosity in Nigeria. It is mainly the instruments and the heavy metal music that was responsible for attracting young people to Pentecostalism. Another factor, possibly responsible for the influx of converts, is the Pentecostals‟ ever increasing quest for signs and wonders, This quest for the extraordinary, for drama, is expressed in the Pentecostal worship style, for example in the violent conversion experience that some Pentecostals speak of and that enhances their image in the community.
It was interesting to discover during the research that many people maintain dual church membership. Some members of the Lutheran Church who live in cities such as Abuja, Lagos, Port-Harcourt and Kaduna, pass the Lutheran churches by, preferring to worship in Pentecostal churches. But when they return home, to their place of birth, they go back to their original Lutheran congregations. The reasons they give are that they want a break from the usual, or that they like the liveliness of the Pentecostal churches. Two persons said that worshiping in different churches gives them more peace but, when they are home, they want to worship where their parents go because that is where they came from.216 It is possible that there is more to this behavior than they let on. They may feel oppressed by the style of mainline church buildings in the cities, by the systems of administration, or by the sermons that still preach the same old messages about the evil of seeking wealth and the need for Christians to steer clear of (political) power. Such messages may not seem relevant to city dwellers.
No individual or community in Nigeria wants to be classified as „poor‟. Everyone desires to be rich and successful in life. It is in this context, that the Pentecostal message can sweep the masses along: it announces that prosperity comes from God and the protagonists of the prosperity gospel quote scriptural promises of success, wellbeing and riches to support their claims. When people see the magnificent churches, schools and universities established
215 Eisenstaedt, S. N.( ed.) 1968. Max Weber On Charisma And Institution Building. Selected Papers. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, p. 258.
216 Interview with five Lutheran Christians in December 2008 who live in the cities. Their names are being withheld for anonymity. There are however, many others who would rather trace their home churches
and worship there.
by Pentecostal churches, they assume that these herald success. After all, which mainline church can afford to build such edifices? An intriguing question is: in whose name are those institutions registered?
The responses of mainline Christians to the question whether the Pentecostals do succeed where the mainline churches are not doing so well, are mostly in the affirmative with only a few denials and another small number uncertain. The various responses demonstrate how liberal the mainline Christian mind is.
The fact remains that the average person in Nigeria has a desperate desire to experience prosperity and success. With this at the back of their minds, Nigerians consider these Pentecostal messages of success in a positive light, even when there is no evidence that their lives are changing for the better. In general, even without the attraction of messages promising prosperity and success, when it comes to issues of spirituality, the mindset of the average Nigerian is uncritical.
When asked in the questionnaire as to whether the marginally economically successful in the mainline churches are comfortable with their lot, the majority of respondents
said „no‟. Equal numbers of respondents said „yes‟ or were uncertain.217 The „Nigerian phenomenon‟ has great bearing on the growth of Pentecostalism. The
„Nigerian phenomenon‟ refers to the „survival spirit‟ of Nigerians and, in many ways; it encourages the proliferation of Pentecostal movements in the country. Despite the unquestioning nature of the Nigerians, not all of them visit Pentecostal churches in search of prosperity. The craving for prosperity, wealth and prestige would appear to be more insidious among the Pentecostal clergy than the laity. Followers of the Pentecostals are made to contribute large sums to meet the demands of the ministry. Such contributions are rarely
mentioned in public, because the money thus offered belongs to God. 218