CHAPTER 6: THE RESEARCH STORY
6.2. Narrative research as applied to this study
6.2.3. Formal and informal interviews
As mentioned above, I engaged in informal interviews in Rwanda between 2005 and 2009, and formal interviews in 2007, 2008 and 2009. In addition, I have been in constant conversation with Rwandans in Pretoria, Pietermaritzburg, and Durban and email communication with Rwandans throughout the world over the five year time span. These informal conversations and emails contributed to my
understanding of the situation and dynamics in Rwanda as much as reading books and articles, if not more so.
Clive Seale draws attention to the fact that with every interview we have access only to the speakers version of an account, and that it is very difficult to ascertain how this version corresponds with reality (1999, 203). Apart from the content of a speakers account, the way in which they share their account, the words they choose to use, the themes they choose to emphasise, the emotions they express and their body language is of importance. The aim with the interviews was not to draw universal conclusions based on information gathered from large numbers of Rwandans, but rather in-depth, authentic insights into atmospheres, feelings and subjectivities (Seale, 1999, 205). Large sample research has been carried out by various research institutes to measure the extent to which people are ready for reconciliation. Such research brings different results than spending time over several years with people in close relationship and ‘feeling out’ as it were, where their hearts lie in terms of reconciliation.
As I approached my trips to Rwanda, I would think about what I wanted to have clearer insights about. I would draft conversation topics, and central questions to which I wanted answers. I allowed my genuine curiosity to lead conversations towards my intended topics. So although I had drafted concepts or questions I wanted to explore, my approach was flexible, and allowed for following up
interesting leads (Seale, 1999, 205). In this way, I was often led to new ideas and angles I had not encountered in the literature or considered before. I was also exposed to undercurrents that would often be hidden from a researcher taking a more formal approach.
In an environment where it can be perceived to be a danger to share anything which might be construed to be ‘inciting ethnic hatred’, it is difficult for people to speak openly and honestly about issues of identity and reconciliation. In
conversations with people over time, it was almost as if the same conversation would be repeated but each time another layer would be peeled off, and I would gain a little more insight into the speakers ‘true’ feelings on a matter. With each layer, a little more of the complex dynamic would be revealed. For example, in initial conversations with many speakers, when asked whether there were
tensions between Hutu and Tutsi, the response would almost always be, “There is no tension. We are all Rwandan. We live together, we eat together, we share the same language and culture”. As this peeled away, the speaker might start to admit that there was some level of mistrust and that they would trust someone of their own ethnic group more than someone of another ethnic group. As the next layer peeled away, they might start to admit certain prejudices they were brought up with, certain stereotypes they were taught as children. And as the next layer peeled away, they might tell me about their own prejudices, their own stereotypes, their intense fear of those of the other ethnic group, and in some cases, an
admission that they would act to protect their own ethnic group at whatever cost, even if it meant violence, and even if it meant killing. This careful peeling away of the layers would not be possible with a survey, a questionnaire, or even a formal interview with a stranger. It was only possible because of the generous trust and friendship given to me by Rwandan friends who, like me, hope that somehow, together, as we explore this complex dynamic, we can begin to build healing and reconciliation.
The more formal interviews with NGO leaders followed a somewhat less relational path. I had conversations with Antoine Rutayisere from African Evangelical
Enterprise, Michel Kayitaba from MOUCECORE, and Rev Anastase from PHARP, each of whom have engaged in research into reconciliation in Rwanda, are
familiar with the concepts I am working with, and have interacted with quite a number of other researchers working in the same field. It was thus easy to speak with them freely on an analytical and conceptual level. The purpose of these interviews was to test some of the findings beginning to emerge around identity, history and reconciliation in Rwanda. For these interviews, I developed a set of questions in order to facilitate comparisons. These questions, listed under Appendix A, included, for example, how they would describe the reconciliation process in Rwanda and where they thought it was and was going. I asked them to explain the identity-dynamic that seemed to suggest that on the one hand ‘we are all Rwandan’ but on the other there is still much underlying ethnic tension. I asked them to share their views about whether Rwanda was being forced to accept a particular politicized understanding of history. I asked whether they believed there was an openness for dialogue in Rwanda or if Rwandan society was still
dominated by fear, suspicion and mistrust. Their answers were candid and honest, and allowed for in-depth discussion of some difficult and critical issues.
Similarly, the formal interviews with Avocaats Sans Frontiers (ASF) and the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) allowed for honest
exploration of these issues. These two interviews differed from the above three in that these were not faith-based NGO’s, but government-related organizations.
NURC is a governmental body responsible for implementing and monitoring national unity and reconciliation through a range of projects and programs. ASF has the specific role of monitoring the gacaca process and other legal processes dealing with genocide as well as current legal disputes. Although ASF is
independent of government, it works very closely with government projects and departments. With these two organizations, I explored many of the questions mentioned above, but with a level of greater care, being acutely aware that these were government-related organizations with all the implications this holds.
Nevertheless, representatives from both organizations were also very open and allowed critical questions to be discussed.
In addition to these, some twenty informal conversations provided valuable
research data. I recorded all formal interviews by taking notes with pen and paper and then fleshing these out later. All informal conversations were recorded
afterwards, thus perhaps losing some of the details, but maintaining the ‘feel’ of the conversation, which was often more relevant than the actual content. For example, it was significant that several people felt the need to whisper in their own homes when speaking of certain topics and that some people would shift their opinion depending on who was with us during different conversations.
As Liisa Malkki found in her ethnographic research in a Burundian Hutu refugee camp in Tanzania, during informal conversations about everyday matters,
historical narratives would almost inevitably arise (1995, 49). I am convinced that my informal conversations offered much more material for my research than would have resulted from more formal methods. As Malkki describes, it was far easier to find men willing to engage in formal interviews than women (1995, 49).
However, on an informal basis I was in continual conversation with a number of Rwandan women over a period of five years about matters related to this research. Their contribution has been invaluable but is unfortunately not 'on the record'.
Due to the sensitive nature of this research, almost all of those interviewed, except the four NGO leaders and the representative from NURC, have asked to remain anonymous. This means that the names and particulars of the interviews have not been recorded in this thesis.