CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 9: SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
9.3 HEGEMONY AND THE ROLE OF MOVEMENT INTELLECTUALS
it is exactly this process that shapes, and in turn is shaped by the intellectual and organisational work of the movement intellectuals. The study provided background information on the diverse histories and circumstances of some of the grassroots intellectuals leading community protests. Most could read and write, but there was unevenness in their acquisition of formal educational qualifications and occupational status with, for example, the latter ranging from a street sweeper to high school teacher. This observation puts paid to the sometimes heated debate about the role of university-based versus informally-trained leaders in some of the literature (Bomke, 2010a; Friedman, 2010; Desai, 2008; Tissington, 2010). Movement intellectuals are produced in the course of and in relation to the struggle (Ayerman and Jamison, 1991), and their contribution has to be judged from this point of view rather than abstractly and in a manner that exaggerates the central role of intellectuals vis-a-vis the movements.
It is instructive that despite the exaggerated role of traditionally trained intellectuals in post- apartheid social movements, no powerful mass-based counter-hegemonic movement against neoliberalism has so far emerged. Nor are there any examples in history of counter-hegemonic ideas, theories and visions "spontaneously" arising out of movements without the participation of formally trained intellectuals. Despite an unprecedented rise in protests and strikes in South Africa, there is as yet no sign of the development of a Polanyi's countermovement against neoliberalism (Harvey, 2007). Action does not always speak louder than words. Only a judicious combination seems to do the trick. The labour movement combines the two but perhaps not judiciously as is evidenced by its pre-occupation with policy alternatives in a manner that has not yet fully connected nor resonated with the community protest movement
(Buhlungu, 2010). Post-apartheid protests and strikes have shaken the neoliberal hegemony but have not managed to develop an alternative that is vivid and supported widely enough by the working class to effectively weaken and dislodge the dominant discourse.
The lack of unity between the strikes and community protests is regarded as one of the main reasons for the relative weakness of the post-apartheid working class challenge to
neoliberalism (Harvey, 2007). Findings from this study underline the lack of unity and suggest
that there is an objective basis for such unity to be forged but the subjective factor (leadership and organisation) appears to lag behind. For example, employed workers are affected by poor living conditions in working class areas and, it can be argued that strikes have implications for community members in areas where striking workers live or work. During the anti-apartheid struggle unity was achieved albeit unevenly and facing huge challenges. I have argued earlier that the legacy of demobilisation of the working class movement during the transition from apartheid to democracy might explain the failure of the protest leaders to develop a conscious and effective strategy to unite workplace and community struggles. Other commentators have blamed the failure on the limitations of the ANC-SACP-COSATU Alliance which is viewed as a brake on the development of strategies that rely on working class strength, independence and unity rather than looking to the ruling party's largesse for improving workers' lives (ibid).
Looking to the ANC government for solutions entails the protesters putting pressure on and appealing to the authorities for solutions to their problems. Not much has been won by the working class after more than a decade of protests and strikes, even though these take
different forms, are of varying levels of intensity, and might be cumulative in nature or in their effect. Protest leaders as movement intellectuals have to figure out ways of breaking through the impasse, for example, because there is no ready store of houses to meet the demand for houses for all, and in the light of the budgetary constraints set by the neoliberal state, movement intellectuals need to come up with plans and visions of how the required houses could be produced or built. They have to traverse the distributional aspect and enter into the sphere of production. At the moment, even when houses are built, they are often of poor quality, are badly located far from employment opportunities, and so on. The involvement of employed workers would also be an asset to communities seeking to concern themselves with the production aspect of service delivery.
Movement intellectuals are the people who can develop alternatives that can strengthen and give direction to the struggles of working class communities. Without alternatives the struggle can begin to look futile, the protest movement can seem as if it is moving around in circles.
We need an alternative, we will see where we are going, we can achieve what we want.
But at the moment it is dark. We can fight this poverty, if we can come together and come with an alternative. This is the way that can take us to socialism. As things stand nothing will come right.GO
The darkness referred to represents the eclipse of a vision of solutions. During the difficult days of apartheid, it was imagination of a different world that gave hope, courage and direction to the millions and millions who were turning to collective action as a solution to their problems.
Movement intellectuals are crucial in developing, elaborating and promoting an alternative vision. However, despite their efforts, it will probably take time and effort for the working class to come to terms with its situation in post-apartheid society, to find its bearings and regain its confidence as the class that produces the wealth and the houses that people need. It can be argued that only a vision of solutions can facilitate the unity of people across townships, villages and provinces, employed and unemployed, workplace and community struggles. The working class has to be restored to the political centre, as arguably happened during the climax in the struggle against apartheid, to allow a radically different way of solving problems can emerge.
Its intellectuals and leaders have to focus the movement on rebuilding solidarity, compassion and working class alternatives to neoliberalism.