THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE MSINGA VALLEY
4.3 Historical Homestead Layout
The development of the types of contemporary decorated homesteads found in Msinga did not initially subscribe to any particular pattern. The origins of the decorated homesteads and their geneaology was often shielded in myth. Reasons for the demise of the beehive hut, which, according to the many sources,
35 In the light of Klopper's statement, and a mention by Mhlongo that the women dressed in traditional garb were colloquially known as Mchunu. One is tempted to attribute a specific creativity to this clan.
were prolific in the area until at least the 1960s, are quoted below.
Tyrrell remembers beehive huts in the late 1940s together with undecorated rondawels (Tyrrell;2000:pers.comm). Ovens backs this up and his recollections of the area in the 1950s include the beehive, which was elaborate in the style of the amaNgwane (see introduction), as well as
'Pondo rondawels36painted white with designs scratched into the mud that were geometric and typical of their beadwork'.(Ovens,pers.comm:2000)
Chatterton, in his novel set in the valley, Return of the Drums mentions the beehive hut throughout (Chatterton; 1956:2).37
In 1968 Larkan can remember sitting on the northern bank of the Tugela River watching the beehive homesteads on the other side being successively razed to the ground during the height of the factions fights (Larkan;2000:pers.comm). Frescura in the early
~hebuildings of the Pondo people in the Eastern Cape, which were cone-on-cylinder in form and thatched
37This reference can be seen as credible as Chatterton was a resident Magistrate at Tugela Ferry in the 1950s.
eighties notes the last strongholds of the beehive hut as being Tugela Ferry, Pomeroy and Bergville (Frescura;1981 :55).
Early prospectors hut in the Msinga valley circa1895(Ingram;1895;201)
Reasons for the beehive hut disappearing are also manyfold.
More acJdemic suggestions such as that by Frescura suggests that the bGilding as a type could have entered an architectural cul- de-sac (Ibid;55); forward development was impossible.
Jolles says that the contemporary villages are certainly relatively new as they are devoid of old implements (Jolles;2000:
pers.comm). He further describes one of the benefits of the
beehive hut as being portable, being able to transport the homestead with the movement of cattle and people. He suggests that this traditional mobility was not necessary with the growing and sedentary population, and that people then tended to settle down and build more permanent homesteads. He also quotes the cost of thatch, and its rapidly growing unavailability as being a key factor. This is reinforced by Edward's thesis of 1967 on the gradual loss of all grasses in the area. iNduna Nxumalo says that people build the 'new' rondawel type of building as a striving towards modernity (Nxumalo;2001 :pers.comm).
Schlemmer remembers a combination of beehives and cone-on- cylinder structures whilst he was working in Msinga in the mid 1970s (Schlemmer;2001 :pers.comm).
The cost of thatching of the rondawels remains expensive, though it is still cheaper than a beehive hut. Jolles mentions teams of thatchers working as sub-contractors rather than traditional reciprocal work parties who carry out the work. The roofs were seldom repaired, and would deteriorate after about four years.
Preference (which features strongly) and religious belief dictate that the building rather be rebuilt when it begins to collapse (Mhlongo;2000:pers.comm). Organic decay happens rapidly and is exacerbated by the high incidence of termites and woodborer,
particularly in the sleeping huts. The kitchen huts last longer as the lighting of smoky cooking fires in them deters the insects.
Because of this infestation, the structural integrity of the building is affected and ongoing repair is not really practicable.
The other reason for the change from beehive huts to a cone-on- cylinder variant is the ease with which the former burn. Rev.
Mabaso, of the Tugela Ferry Mission Church sees this as the reason, and Larkan bears this out with his memory of the faction fights in kwaMabaso(Larkan;2001 :pers.comm). Mabaso also says that his family built one of the first 'rondawels' in his father's kraal in kwaMabaso in 1965, and it was painted to add an aesthetic identity and to make it 'look good' (Mabaso;2000:pers.comm).
Knuffel echoes all of these recent statements in his definitive work of 1973, and cites the following as problems:
'The lathes are prone to borer and white ant infestation.
Apparently there was
a
feeling that the grey poplar (Populus canescence) was more durable than the wattle. The grass rope is attacked by fungal rot. Fire is the third major factor in their demise. With all of the above, alternatives are suggested. Therelative temperatures38 of the inside of an amaNgwane hut and the outside are also cited for their appropriateness' (Knuffel; 1973:53).
The homesteads were laid out following the traditional 'central cattle pattern' as defined in Chapter 1, where possible. The steep gradient of the terrain made adherence to this prescribed plan difficult in many places and was probably the reason for what Maggs calls the 'opening ~ut' of the homesteads along the contour as seen in the area today (T.Maggs;2000:pers.comm).
The contemporary homestead plans are more rectilinear, yet still follow the basic principles of the central cattle pattern with the isibaya in the centre.
38 Fitch has a more academic approach to the appropriateness of indigenous architectures regarding climatic needs (Fitch; 1960)
The central cattle pattern, Msinga 1983(Photo:Hartley;1983) . Note the central cattle pen, the isibaya,as the focus.