MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE MSINGA VALLEY
3.2 The Non-material Culture .1 Tlladitionalism
Despite the Msinga Valley's history as an area for recruiting willing miners and thus having a shifting population, its geographical isolation in two great valleys, and its social isolation as a political 'hot spot', it has a deeply entrenched traditionalism.
This may be the binding force for the creation of the specific material culture of the area as it is, and further spurs on the responses to fashion and creative experiment. Indeed, part of the traditional cultural decree insisted that the women had to be particularly well groomed, and this has certainly not changed.
(Mhlongo;2000:pers.comm)
The local partiality for the Inkatha Freedom Party (I FP) spearheads the promotion of Zulu nationalism. The households are mainly female-headed, as a result of male absenteeism. They also support the IFP women's groups, and this strongly tradition-
based party upholds cultural values, influences the material culture. This results in a glorious 'fashion show' of colour and adaptation of materials in the creation of 'traditional' clothing.
Local fashion, with a traditional bent, permeates the society on every level imaginable.
Indeed, this allegiance to the IFP is one of the reasons for the production of cultural goods. According to Klopper, the IFP actively encourages the crafts of beadwork and the wearing of earplugs (Klopper; 1989:33). Jolles notes tha,t ear piercing was an important mark of ethnicity (Jolles;1996:172) and thus was condoned. Craft production in Msinga may thus have been encouraged by political influence with the recent revival of traditionalism.
3.2.2 Sign and Symbol
Symbolism is an intangible concept that also has a very important role in the elaboration of the material culture, whether it refers to clothing, ornament or furniture.
Symbols permeate the buildings particularly. For instance, the importance of having preformed ventilation units in the wallplate
area, or reflected in the painted dados is a local symbol of modernity.
The use of airbricks in this particular example is often-decorative, rather than practical (Photo:Author;2000)
In the same vein, little real difference may exist between having a window with opening casements inserted in the wall, or an elaborately plastered blind window. They both serve a similar purpose giving the sign of modernity. In fact, the latter, the symbol of the window, is more secure, and gives the sign that the homestead is modern, and also manages to appease those fundamental traditionalists who do not see a real window as appropriate in a traditional building(Mnweni Valley;2000:pers.exp).
Interestingly, this concept is not restricted to the South African context: Oliver makes a similar observation of houses of the Hausa people of Nigeria:-
'As
a
sign, the plaster surface ofa
Hausa mud building denotes'brickwork'; as a symbol it has the connotations of westem
technology, and hence sophistication and
prestige'(Oliver;1977: 10).
3.2.3 Religious Beliefs
The Zulu set of belief systems is more intangible than the direct issue of formal religion, as the religious beliefs influence the production of material culture. Alcock says that the created artefact is imbued with respect for the ancestors, and that decoration is also related to real respect for them (Alcock;2001 :pers.comm).31 Thus the deep traditional religious belief itself influences the production of material culture. In the same manner, the way in which the pottery is created, with senses of sacred rituals and spaces, is part and parcel of the artefact itself. This is extended to the blackening of pots after firing; this is a ritual hlonipa for the ancestors (Armstrong et al;1996:109). The black finish is accessible to the ancestors, who then drink from the pots. This religious affirity of the pots is transferred to the umsamo, that part of the hut which is reserved as a sacred place for the ancestors. A more direct influence on
31 A similarity could be drawn with craftsmen working on Gothic Cathedrals; the work is spirited rather than necessarily iconic.
the architecture is evident in the need to provide a specific place for the worship of the ancestors; they may be entertained in their own hut, often that of the paternalgrandrnother, known as 'gogo's hut'(see 3.2.4). Cairns has noted that the cylindrical house form is seen as being more appropriate for the veneration of the ancestors, and that the traditions influence the shape and form of the houses(Cairns; 1997: 18). These huts are often signified by the skull of a ritually slaughtered beast in the thatch over the entrance.
The mixtilire between Christian belief systems and ancestral worship is reflected in the material culture. An example is the iconic representations of the Virgin Mary in locally made furniture (see 3.3.4)
3.2.4 Anthropological issues
It is important to realise that the sense of tradition and privacy amongst this particular group of the Zulu is strong. This means that information is not gathered easily, and that when information is offered, it is not necessarily a correct answer. In addition, some homestead owners will not answer questions, and some sources like Mr Sithole are not prepared to willingly divulge information.
In addition, the sense of time is very different from a western chronological system. As mentioned in the text, the seasons are a large influence to the people that live on the land. This has also made questions relating to time periods difficult to qualify. It should also be realised that the complexity of hlonipha (ritual respect) for certain people, the ancestors, etc. imbues standards of behaviour, encompassing social, political and economic systems and the entire cognitive way of life.