4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
6.2 The impacts of the informal community on the respondents in Clare Estate
6.2.1 Impacts of the informal community on the quality of life of the respondents
The impacts on the quality of life of the residents in formal housing were important to examine and analyse since in indirectly provided information about the type of relationship that existed between the formal and informal communities. This section presents evidence of the impacts that the residents in formal housing have encountered because of the presence of the informal community within their neighbourhood.
From the questionnaires administered, 77.8% of respondents indicated that their quality of life was worse and 4.4% of respondents indicated that their quality of life was changeable (sometimes better and sometimes worse). Furthermore, 6.7% of respondents indicated that there had been no change with respect to their quality life and lastly 6.7% of respondents indicated that they were neutral to this aspect. The information gathered above from the interviews slightly differed compared to the interviews undertaken with fourteen formal residents in Clare Estate. All fourteen respondent emphasised that their quality of life had been impacted upon (Respondent 1, 13 February 2009; Respondent 2, 19th February 2009;
Respondent 3, 18 February 2009; Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 5, 10 February 2009; Respondent 6, 17 February 2009; Respondent 7, 11 February 2009;
Respondent 8, 18 February 2009; Respondent 9, 20 February 2009; Respondent 10, 21 February 2009; Respondent 11, 22 February 2009, Respondent 12, 17February 2009;
Respondent 13, 22 February 2009; Respondent 14, 22 February 2009). In view of the fact
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that to the majority of the respondents perceived the informal community as an impact to their quality of life, their responses, from the interview process, will be analysed below.
These respondents felt quite strongly about the impact of the informal settlement on their quality of life. These impacts on their quality of life can be attributed to the following issues: crime in the area, untidiness of the area, and lastly, the nuisance and disturbances within the area. These issues will be dealt with below.
With respect to crime, there was a general consensus amongst all the respondents in Clare Estate that the informal settlements impacted on their safety and security, thus in turn impacting on their quality of life. All fourteen respondents emphasised that there was such an impact (Respondent 1, 13 February 2009; Respondent 2, 19th February 2009;
Respondent 3, 18 February 2009; Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 5, 10 February 2009; Respondent 6, 17 February 2009; Respondent 7, 11 February 2009;
Respondent 8, 18 February 2009; Respondent 9, 20 February 2009; Respondent 10, 21 February 2009; Respondent 11, 22 February 2009, Respondent 12, 17 February 2009;
Respondent 13, 22 February 2009; Respondent 14, 22 February 2009). Many of the respondents felt that it was very unsafe living next to the informal community. This was elaborated by the following responses. Respondent 9, (20 February 2009) stated, “I was hijacked in my driveway, while my mother and I were sitting outside. We were dragged inside by these men. We have to be behind bars, to be safe, the area has become bad”.
Members of the informal community attacked this respondent and now they have to be indoors to feel safe (Respondent 9, 20 February 2009). Another respondent stated, “One of the guys swore my daughter and hit my dogs and they also threatened to rape my daughter, this area is terrible” (Respondent 5, 10 February 2009). The members of the informal community have become negative towards the residents in formal housing (Respondent 5, 10 February 2009). In addition, to these acts, respondents were also unimpressed with the police involvement in addressing the issue of crime within their area (Respondent 5, 10 February 2009). “The police don’t do anything. They know and have knowledge about the crime, but won’t do anything about it” (Respondent 5, 10 February 2009). The residents in formal housing are constantly exposed to crimes on part of the informal community and the police have not adequately addressed this situation (Respondent 5, 10 February 2009).
Due to their constant victimisation, the residents in formal housing have decided that they needed alternative means of protecting themselves from the informal community. One resident stated, “Recently I got hijacked and shot at in the house. Unhappy with the police.
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We have ADT now to secure us” (Respondent 14, 22 February 2009). Certain respondents emphasised their unhappiness with the police department and have therefore resorted to acquiring other forms of security (Respondent 14, 22 February 2009). Another resident, in order to highlight the severity of this issue, stated “Unsafe area. We have to be more conscious now and have to have sufficient fencing around our property” (Respondent 3, 18 February 2009). Residents have to secure their properties through extreme measures in order to feel safe in their homes (Respondent 3, 18 February 2009). Some residents have also resorted to hiring security guards from time to time in order to secure their homes (Respondent 4, 17 February 2009). Another resident explained their unhappiness with the expenses that they have to go through in order to protect themselves, their families and their homes, “It’s hard to secure my house, I have so many expenses, for example, remote gate, high walls, it goes on….” (Respondent 10, 21 February 2009). Acquiring all these security measures are expensive and have therefore put a strain on many respondents’
social and economic lifestyle (Respondent 10, 21 February 2009). All of the respondents in the formal residential area in Clare Estate have taken some measure to secure their homes, even though this has placed a lot of expense on them.
Not only has the informal community contributed to the increased crime in the area, but they have also contributed to the untidiness and noise in the area. With respect to the untidiness of the area on the part of the informal community, seven formal residents interviewed, emphasised that the informal community has contributed to the area being unkempt and untidy (Respondent 1, 13 February 2009; Respondent 2, 19 February 2009;
Respondent 3, 18 February 2009; Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 5, 10 February 2009; Respondent 6, 17 February 2009; Respondent 12, 17 February 2009). One respondent stated, “We get a horrible stench, these people mess everywhere. These people go to the loo on people’s properties” (Respondent 2, 19 February 2009). The informal residents are seen to have polluted the neighbourhood and have poor hygiene standards since they utilise the established residents’ properties as a toilet (Respondent 2, 19 February 2009). Another respondent emphasised that his/her quality of life was affected by the untidiness of the area, which is as a result of the informal community (Respondent 12, 17 February 2009). The untidiness of the area was an issue for formal residents. (See Plate 6.1 and Plate 6.2). Both Plates 6.1 and 6.2 show the litter around formal housing in Clare Estate, caused by the residents in the informal settlements. The following section examines how the informal community has become a nuisance to the residents in formal housing in Clare Estate.
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Plate 6.1: Dirt around formal housing in Clare Estate, Durban (2009)
Plate 6.2: Rubbish along the side of the road near informal settlements in Clare Estate, Durban (2009)
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In addition, seven respondents regarded the informal community as a nuisance to their quality of life (Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 7, 11 February 2009;
Respondent 8, 18 February 2009; Respondent 9, 20 February 2009; Respondent 10, 21 February 2009; Respondent 13, 22 February 2009). Thus one respondent stated, “... They are just a rowdy bunch” (Respondent 10, 21 February 2009). Another respondent who highlighted this issue stated, “Don’t like it at all. On Sunday they have services so loud, their music is so loud, there’s no peace here. Very noisy.” (Respondent 9, 20 February 2009). The noise factor was an issue since some residents in the formal residential area enjoy a quiet neighbourhood. Furthermore, another respondent, emphasised on the impacts from the informal community, “Changed drastically. It’s dirty, filthy because of the squatters. The noise and the pollution are unbearable” (Respondent 4, 17 February 2009).
Ever since the informal settlers occupied land in Clare Estate, the neighbourhood has changed for the worse (Respondent 4, 17 February 2009).
In addition to the impacts such as crime, untidiness and nuisance and disturbances of the residential area, the respondents emphasised that these impacts result in a decrease of their property value (Respondent 1, 13 February 2009; Respondent 2, 19 February 2009;
Respondent 3, 18 February 2009; Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 5, 10 February 2009; Respondent 6, 17 February 2009; Respondent 7, 11 February 2009;
Respondent 8, 18 February 2009; Respondent 9, 20 February 2009; Respondent 10, 21 February 2009; Respondent 11, 22 February 2009, Respondent 12, 17 February 2009;
Respondent 13, 22 February 2009; Respondent 14, 22 February 2009). This paragraph provides an understanding of the impacts of the occupation of land on the property values of the residents in formal housing. It examines in economic terms whether the presence of informal settlements in formal residential areas is beneficial or not to the formal residents who reside in Clare Estate. All fourteen of the formal residents interviewed were in concurred that the informal settlements in their areas impacted negatively on the value of their property, namely, through the devaluation of their properties (Respondent 1, 13 February 2009; Respondent 2, 19 February 2009; Respondent 3, 18 February 2009;
Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 5, 10 February 2009; Respondent 6, 17 February 2009; Respondent 7, 11 February 2009; Respondent 8, 18 February 2009;
Respondent 9, 20 February 2009; Respondent 10, 21 February 2009; Respondent 11, 22 February 2009, Respondent 12, 17 February 2009; Respondent 13, 22 February 2009;
Respondent 14, 22 February 2009). The devaluation of property was emphasised through the following quote, “My property value has decreased tremendously. What was earned
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over the years means nothing” (Respondent 9, 20 February 2009). In addition to this claim, another respondent emphasised, “It has decreased, the squatters are to blame. There is no resale value in this area” (Respondent 10, 21 February 2009). This respondent blames the informal community for the decrease in value and retail of his/her property.
It is clear that from the statements above that the respondents perceived that their properties had decreased drastically in value over the years, and much of the blame is attributed to the occupation of land in the neighbourhood on the part of the informal community. The respondents from Clare Estate emphasised that because the informal community consisted of ‘unwanted’ activities their property values decreased and potential buyers were cautioned about buying in this area. This situation largely influenced and negatively impacted, on the value residential property in Clare Estate.
From the evidence provided above, the respondents highlighted that crime, untidiness/litter and noise from the informal community have become an issue for the residents in formal housing in Clare Estate (Respondent 2, 19 February 2009; Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 9, 20 February 2009; Respondent 10, 21 February 2009; Respondent 12, 17 February 2009). The concept of ‘sense of place’ becomes emphasised in this section.
People have a symbolic attachment to a particular place (McCreanor et al., 2006;
Hernandez et al., 2007). Therefore the value of place is of significance since it helps determine how comfortable individuals are with that place. Furthermore, when examining the above responses it became apparent that the respondents were not content with their area or the informal community within their area (Respondent 1, 13 February 2009;
Respondent 2, 19th February 2009; Respondent 3, 18 February 2009; Respondent 4, 17 February 2009; Respondent 5, 10 February 2009; Respondent 6, 17 February 2009;
Respondent 7, 11 February 2009; Respondent 8, 18 February 2009; Respondent 9, 20 February 2009; Respondent 10, 21 February 2009; Respondent 11, 22 February 2009, Respondent 12, 17 February 2009; Respondent 13, 22 February 2009; Respondent 14, 22 February 2009). The informal community was seen to be contributing to the physical degradation of the area which in turn is affecting the respondents’ ‘sense of place’. The threat to a ‘sense of place’ was evident when certain members of the formal community expressed that, “the area has become bad” (Respondent 9, 20 February 2009), “unsafe area” (Respondent 3, 18 February 2009), “there’s no peace here” (Respondent 9, 20 February 2009), “Dirty, filthy because of the informal community” (Respondent 4, 17 February 2009), “These people go to the loo on people’s properties” (Respondent 2, 19
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February 2009) and lastly “these people mess everywhere” (Respondent 2, 19 February 2009). Furthermore, the respondents also indicated that due to the impact on the quality of life through issues such as crime, untidiness/litter, noise and disturbances within the area, their property values had decreased, which in turn impacted on how they perceived and
‘valued’ their properties. Not only has the social value of the residential area been impacted on, but also the economic value as well. The respondents perceived that the social and economic value that they had attached to their area has decreased drastically.
Therefore, one noted that the level of satisfaction that the respondents had in respect of their residential area has decreased, therefore indirectly impacting on their sense of belonging (Cresswell, 2004; McCreanor et al., 2006; Hernandez et al., 2007). Thus, contributing to a threat to ‘sense of place’ (Cresswell, 2004; McCreanor et al., 2006;
Hernandez et al., 2007). Utilising Cresswell’s (2004) idea of a threat to ‘sense of place’, it became evident that the respondents felt displaced in their area due to the impacts resulting from the informal community. These impacts negatively affected the level ‘value’ that the respondents placed on Clare Estate.
Crime, filth and litter and nuisance from the informal community are amongst the most important issues that the respondents raised in the Clare Estate neighbourhood. Also, there existed some tension between the residents in the formal and informal communities. This tension was attributed to the impact of the informal community on the respondents’ quality of life. The respondents displayed resentment towards the informal community. This was emphasised when Respondent 10 (21 February 2009), stated that they were a ‘rowdy bunch’. This tension is fostered through the ‘territorial’ attachment that the formal residents have to their place (Brown and Wemer, 1985; Sack, 1986; Grosby, 1995, Jacobson, 1997). Space is constructed by power relations and therefore those in power characterise the type of space in which they reside. Furthermore, any change or disruption to a particular place results in socio-political tensions (Oncu et al., 1997; Cresswell, 2004).
This was evident when the respondents viewed the informal community as a threat to their space and their quality of life. This tension was exaggerated by the social and political interests that existed between the formal and informal communities within Clare Estate (Massey, 1997; Watson, 1999; Dikec, 2005). This tension was also demonstrated when the formal residents complained about the poor efforts of the police to eradicate or control crime in the area (Respondent 5, 10 February 2009).
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From the responses obtained one denotes that crime was regarded as a major issue that needs to be addressed. In addition, nuisances and disturbances have also been recognised as aspects that impacted on the residents’ quality of life. All these aspects have impacted on the residents’ ‘sense of place’ (Cresswell, 2004; McCreanor et al., 2006; Hernandez et al., 2007). Moreover, this threat to the respondents’ ‘sense of place’ resulted in tension amongst the formal community in Clare Estate. The following Section 6.2.2, examines the impacts of the informal community on the social lives of the respondents in formal