2.10. Transracial adoption
2.10.3. The importance of the family approach to the transracially adopted child
foster coping skills for racism in their transracially adopted children is minimal (Rushton &
Minnis, 1997) and the relationship between racial identity and overall identity is not yet certain.
In addition, Hollingsworth suggests that "given the perceived close relationship between self- esteem and racial and ethnic identity.. .it seems safe to assume that transracial or transethnic adoption would simultaneously interfere with the development of self-esteem in adoptees"
(1997, p. 107). However, research has not yet displayed this, and it seems that transracially adopted children are able to develop a good self esteem, whilst simultaneously having a very weak racial identity (Bagley, 1993; Rushton & Minnis, 1997). The question then arises, is it really necessary for these children to have a strong racial identity characteristic of the racial identity of their birth culture, or is a weak racial identity aproblematic? Having conducted a review of the research on transracial adoption, Rushton and Minnis concluded that "the research does not... allow firm conclusions on the issue of racial identity" (1997, p. 153).
some families of transracially adopted children seem concerned that emphasising the differences between themselves and their children will alienate them from their adoptive children. These families respond to the issue of transracial adoption by minimising the differences between themselves and their child. Liow does not support this approach, arguing that "what children think of themselves as they grow up is crucial and their race is one of the basic ingredients of their self-concepts. In fact, there is reason to think that coping mechanisms built on denial of racial differences may be maladaptive in childhood and contribute to marginalization as
adulthood approaches" (1994, p. 379). Research in both Britain and the United States of America supports this and suggests that transracial adoption is more successful when the parents of
transracially adopted children consciously expose their children to their culture of birth (Tizard, 1977; Ladner, 1997, in Bagley, 1993). Ladner (1997, in Bagley, 1993, p. 286) argues that
"although it is essential that parents love and care for their children, they should also hold in esteem and interact with black culture if they are to fully meet their black child's identity needs".
Thus, it has been argued that "the psychosocial adjustment of adopted children is maximised when parents acknowledge their child's physical differences but emphasize their psychological similarities" (Friedlander, Larney, Skau, Hotaling, Cutting & Schwam, 2000, p. 196). This is relevant to all families with adopted children, but would seem particularly relevant to families with children who have been transracially adopted, where the physical differences between parent and child are more pronounced. In addition, Friedlander et. al. (2000) found that many of the parents in the study had framed the entire family as a multicultural family, and had engaged with their adopted child's birth culture as a family. They felt that this was important, and argued that "construing the family as a whole multiculturally (e.g. "We are a Brazilian American family")... serves to reduce the children's sense of isolation and differentness" (p. 196).
Vonk (2001) has suggested several ways in which parents of transracially adopted children may become 'culturally competent' and in so doing, enhance their adopted child's racial identity. At this stage, it must be noted that this concept of cultural competence has not been empirically tested and therefore remains at the level of speculation. Nevertheless, Vonk (2001) proposes some useful guidelines for increasing and enhancing the racial identities o f transracially adopted children. These guidelines may be relevant for both parents of such children, and professionals (such as teachers and psychologists) working with such children. Vonk (2001) refers to the first
element of cultural competence as 'multicultural planning'. Here Vonk (2001) refers to the ways in which parents need to expose their transracially adopted children to their culture of birth, including such practical things as sending their children to racially represented schools; living in diverse neighbourhoods where their child's race is represented; and exposing their transracially adopted children to race-appropriate role models. Vonk expresses her hope that through such exposure, transracially adopted children "may develop a unique racial and cultural identity that is based on some combination of the races and cultures of family members and the culture of their own race" (2001, p. 254). An identity based on two cultures is referred to in the literature as a biracial identity or bicultural identification (Friedlander et. al., 2000). Although not much is known about bicultural identification (Kerwin et. al., 1993 in Friedlander et. al., 2000) research suggests that the development of a biracial identity is possible provided that children are exposed to both cultures.
The second component of cultural competence is 'racial awareness'. By this Vonk (2001) means that parents need to be aware of the ways in which variables such as culture, race and language operate in society and how issues of power relating to these variables may affect themselves and their children. Practically, Vonk (2001) suggests that self-awareness on the part of adopted parents is an important aspect of racial awareness. In America and Britain, many adoptive parents of transracially adopted children belong to a majority culture and may tend to underplay the importance of race in their own lives. De Haymes (2003, p. 258) conducted research into transracial adoption in which she found that "some children... indicated that their white parents didn't always recognise racism in schools or in some other experiences. They added that their parents sometimes avoided discussions of race or often tried to minimise their experiences of racism, rather than seeing it through the child's eyes". Thus, white parents of black adopted children need to sensitise themselves to issues of race and racism. The importance of self- awareness on the part of adoptive parents is highlighted by Baden and Steward (in Bradley and Hawkins-Leon, 2001) who argue that:
White American parents may attempt to approach the process of adoption from a 'second choice' or 'colour blind' perspective, they may consciously or unconsciously have the attitude of either "white superiority" or pity for African Americans. Consequently, this
particular attitude may convey to the transracial adoptee a disrespect or dislike for African Americans, which may cause identity confusion or self-hate that is difficult to resolve, (p. 439)
Thus parents need to not only be sensitive to how racism plays out in society generally, but to their own stereotypes and prejudices that may affect their transracially adopted child.
Despite potential problems with the formation of racial identity, there is much empirical support for transracial adoption. However, research does suggest that transracially adopted children do better when they are able to develop positive racial identities and that adoptive parents may have an important role to play in assisting their children with this task.