forced young boys to embody hegemonic masculine roles. These studies demonstrate that young boys who undertake activities that are perceived as feminine, who are slim-built and actively participate in platonic relations, are stereotyped as feminine, and reported experiencing homophobic violence for being ranked as a subordinate within the hierarchy of masculinities. These dominant discourses around young masculinities in primary school make toxic societal norms and gender expectations more prominent, and support the inclusion of gender, sex, and sexuality education at primary school level.
irrespective of socio-cultural backgrounds; however, introducing schools as all-inclusive environments proves to be problematic. Teachers are not able to effectively and efficiently manage and teach all cultures, languages, and backgrounds as their mutual understanding and acceptance of individuals is limited to prior knowledge and new comprehendible information.
Msibi (2019) highlighted that the way LGBTIQ+ identities are viewed and understood by teachers depends heavily on their background, age, race, and class. Additionally, the demographics of teachers and other socio-cultural and historical contexts also influence teachers. Msibi (2019) claimed that these views, interpretations, and understanding of gender identity or transgender identity will differ from rural context to the township and even metropolitan areas.
3.5.1 Teacher race, religion, culture, and class
Homophobic and transphobic violence in the South African society transcend all categories of race, religion, culture, and class (Msibi, 2012). Yet, LGBTIQ+ identities are severely constrained within schools due to the toxic mix of religious and cultural standards, and negative stereotypes that propagandise mindsets and maintain gendered misconceptions (Msibi, 2019). Although acts of homophobia are especially rife in black townships and schools, patriarchal practices are present in all aspects of South African society where normative masculinities exercise their power, privilege, and authority to retain their position in society. Akoob (2018, n.p.) wrote an article in a local newspaper that addressed “toxic masculinity in the South African Indian community”. This article drew attention to the high levels of sexism and homophobic attitudes of the Indian community. These insights are noted in the current study. Akoob (2018) maintained that explicit, aggressive, vitriolic, and malicious content are propagated on social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram. It also illustrates the bigotry that exists amongst the dominant heterosexual identities within the Indian community. In 2017, a skit was published on Facebook titled ‘Coming out of the closet’. It highlighted the devastating lived reality of queer identities in Indian communities as they navigate their sexuality in silence and attempt to communicate or “come out” (Akoob, 2018, n.p.). The video exposed an Indian parent who explained how ballet and musicals will ensure his son would be gay, and seeing that his son supported the European football team Liverpool, therefore he has to be gay. Akoob (2018) argued that within the Indian community homophobic stereotypes on LGBT identities are concealed under the pretence of comedy, audience acceptance, and constitutional freedom of speech. Yet these stereotypes reinforce
negative perceptions of LGBTIQ+ identities and encourage individuals to avoid certain activities and roles because society perceives them as abnormal. Studies show that culture, tradition, and religion have a major influence on how tolerant teachers are to non-conforming gender identities, as homosexuality is considered a sin (Msibi, 2012; DePalma & Francis, 2014; Reygan & Francis, 2015). There are three major religious groups in the Indian community, namely: Christianity, Islam, and Hinduism. Each prohibit homosexuality based on the teachings of holy text that states the ‘natural’ order is being unsettled through homosexuality. Akoob (2018) disputed that while the term ‘gay’ is used as a synonym to refer to an object, role, interest, or behaviour that is fiercely ostracised within the Indian community, the rejection is also pejorative due to fear.
3.5.2 Fear and silencing
Teachers experience much difficulty when having to oppose personal values and belief systems to accommodate non-conforming gender identities in the classroom climate. While DePalma and Atkinson (2010) pointed out that teachers are essential when educating learners’
views on homosexuality, personal bias and unaddressed teacher prejudice have the potential to steer lessons away from LGBTIQ+ inclusivity. Alternatively, teacher fear can be expressed through implicit homophobic and transphobic attitudes, or through silencing of questions and conversations about and around non-conforming gender identities in the school environment.
Studies have shown that silencing, denial, and ignorance of non-conforming identities are used as tools of discrimination, and are commonly practiced in primary schools. This is due to the presumption of childhood innocence and the idea that children are blank slates and vulnerable to negative sexual influence rather than as active agents in the development of their gender and sexual identity (Francis, 2012; DePalma & Francis, 2014; Mayeza & Bhana, 2020). The fear of extinguishing childhood innocence together with deeply embedded school cultures, including teacher, personal or professional life experience, central myths, rituals and ethics sustain negative constructions of transgender identities.
However, it must be noted that it is especially difficult for teachers to teach something that goes against their personal beliefs and values. Even though Bhana (2012) conducted a study that portrayed the views of Christianity, other religions like Islam and Hinduism follow similar teachings, such as the purpose of marriage is reproduction, and therefore homosexuality is considered off the religious path (Bhana, 2012; Francis, 2017; Francis 2012).
Therefore, teachers are at risk of unconsciously projecting views such as that homosexuality
is contagious and sinful, and a situation plagued with the possibility of disease and death. In this way, teachers warp the teaching and learning environment and instil a sense of intolerance and fear. However, there is evidence that reveals the desire of young people to know more about sex and sexuality. Despite this thirst for more information from the teaching and learning environment, teachers continue to extinguish any curiosity while simultaneously linking gender and sexuality to fear and shame, rather than providing an inclusive environment that considers young identities’ thoughts and feelings about their gender and sexuality.
3.5.3 Supporting teachers to address homophobia and transphobia
Gudyanga et al., (2019) substantiates that all teachers require professional growth in order to gain increased experience in their teaching abilities. Similarly, teachers who implement the CSE first need to understand their sexuality and gender identity, and only thereafter reflect on how their ideas filter into everyday classrooms (Gudyanga et al., 2019). Bartholomaeus and Riggs (2017a) identified that non-conforming children’s identity development has been neglected in Australian primary schools. Yet, literature showed that there is a growing number of youths disclosing their non-conforming gender identities (Conron et al., 2012; Clark et al., 2014; Bartholomaeus & Riggs, 2017a). Bartholomaeus and Riggs (2017a) found that children between the ages of 5 and 10 become increasingly self-aware of gender identity, and that the most common age of self-awareness of non-conforming gender identity was 12-years old.
These findings coincide with South African education legislation, which states that the most appropriate age to address controversial issues around gender, sex, sexuality, and transphobic bullying is at primary school level. During this time period, the gap between male and female, masculine and feminine roles, and manliness and womanliness are reinforced and extended, and as a consequence, influences how society makes sense of bodily development.
For young transgender identities, having to navigate their sexuality whilst observing stereotypical lifestyles that are portrayed on social media, leaves them vulnerable and further susceptible to harmful and coercive practices (Le Roux, 2013). Research showed that the highest prevalence of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and HIV/AIDS in South Africa is present among the 15-24 age group (Francis 2019). Young transgender identities are most susceptible to this due to sexual coercion as a result of unequal sexual power relations and dynamics that produce conditions for sexual violence and multiple sexual partners. Therefore, research identified teacher preparation with regard to sex and sexuality education as essential to facilitate controversial conversations, such as negotiations in the classroom, to entice learners out of their comfort zones (Gudyanga et al., 2019). While agency is promoted in the
South African curriculum, understanding and reasoning surrounding transgender identities are excluded from primary school environments altogether, as it is considered an unacceptable subject to address in the classroom.
Bartholomaeus and Riggs (2021) suggest that the inclusion of non-conforming gender identities will be best facilitated through the development of school policies. The authors claim that gender inclusive policies need to be implemented, monitored, and updated by school staff.
However, non-conforming gender and sexual identities, including school community members, teachers, and learners need to be actively consulted about their needs.
Bartholomaeus and Riggs (2021) also acknowledged that schools cannot identify and approach individuals unless people are visible or disclose their non-conforming status. As such, school policy should make resources and training compulsory. For instance, all school staff and people who work or volunteer within the school need to undergo inclusive language training. In this way, schools move away from idolising notions of gender and sexuality and rather draw on both teachers’ and learners’ existing knowledge from the broader socio-cultural context, thus fostering an environment that is not simply tolerant but welcoming and respecting of transgender identities. It is clear that the implementation of the CSE curriculum to address issues of homophobic and transphobic attitudes and behaviours will depend largely on teachers in society (Kruger et al., 2015). Generally unaware of their influence, teachers, school leadership-management as well as the community have a direct impact on the construction of gender, sexuality, and transgender identity through the curriculum. For this reason, it is imperative to explore primary school teachers’ understanding, attitudes, and reasoning.
In light of the above discussions, some concluding remarks follow next to wrap up the chapter.