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46 secondary or partial reference to something of collective importance. Myths usually originate in oral culturesand they are passed down by word of mouth. Since they are traditional, myths are created by a collective cultural process and not by one author. Myth may refer, however, to religious concepts or practices like rituals or natural events like the seasonal floods, or to psychological archetypes.
Atanga, Atshili, Akenji and Nde (2015) indicate that each chronic illness is to be assumed a health hazard where relevant health education must be considered, prepared and disseminated as the best prevention and self-management strategy. Davies and McCartney (2003) indicate that the significance of education is to get rid of lies, myths and exaggerations that pertain to an illness. Atanga et al. (2015) and Balogun et al. (2016) hold the same view that human beings normally project their inactiveness and misunderstanding about new concepts through use of metaphors and myths which usually lead their community through a complex route to understand what real prevention is about. This behaviour allows infections such as HIV to spread. Subbiah et al. (2010) indicate that through dialogue it is possible to unpack myths, expose their dangers and pave the way for alternative understandings. Modo et al. (2011) indicate, for instance, that body cleaning after sex had been commonly practiced by Americans to protect themselves from STIs and HIV. This practice was done with the intention to reduce the spread of infections. This indicates that the Americans were mythically preventing STIs by the practice of such a strategy.
In communications, myths and misconceptions have a greater chance to distort information and portray a totally different connotation to what was intended by sender and the receiver. Wilce (2011) argues that, knowing the myths prepares the ground for clarifications about HIV. Clearly, ordinary people, even people who have had the privilege of education, are struggling to come to terms with what HIV and AIDS means for them. GOL (2008) indicates that communities, by contrast, especially those that have been subjected to social discrimination, need to be educationally advantaged especially on HIV and AIDS education to avoid the spread of the pandemic. However, such communities have been relying on myths and misconception and ignoring the reality of the spread of HIV and AIDS. For instance, one general myth is that HIV is only for the gay community and promiscuously behaving individuals (GOL, 2008). People infected with HIV were considered to be promiscuous and rightfully receiving God’s punishment
47 through the illnesses (opportunistic infections). The issue has led to considerable distraction and distrust of information pertaining to HIV and AIDS (GOL, 2006). Other literature indicates that myths are normally believed and used by groups who are short of factual knowledge and therefore vulnerable to acquiring infections. In the process they miss prevention strategies.
Harrison et al. (2015) and Pitikoe (2016) share this view in relation to herd boys who are culturally trusted to look after animals in remote pasture land. The owners of flocks of animals have a tendency to locate such individuals in areas that are less developed and where it is difficult for the herders to improve their livelihoods. Such areas deprive herd boys of the necessary information about HIV and they subsequently rely on impractical information from peers. Saller (2009) indicates that common myths that are usually trusted by naïve individuals include the body cleaning practice as prevention for STIs and HIV after sex.
Harrison et al. (2015) and Pitikoe (2016) point out that herd boys believe and practice myths that expose them to HIV infection because herd boys are a population difficult to access through education and HIV information. Pitikoe (2016) indicates that males usually opt for being herd boys due to high poverty rates resulting from low educational level. As herd boys reside in areas trusted to provide suitable sustenance for theirlivestock, they become proud to be herders in areas difficult for a man to survive because their duration in such areas is not less than six months. This is considered to be long enough to turn weak boys into tough men yet they become prone to HIV infection due to their ignorance.
According to Modo et al. (2010), in Lesotho, the local belief was that HIV was for foreigners.
They were thought to be the only ones who could infect other people with HIV. For instance, people who knew their HIV status and became open about it, were thought to have had extramarital affairs with the foreigners, mostly African foreigners (Makoerekoere), while Basotho men and women, were thought to be free from HIV infection and could not infect each other. Every other person thought of HIV as a monster which could attack a certain group of people but not ones self. An infected person would be labelled to have undergone an illegal abortion, while a man must have had sex with a lady who had chosen to have an abortion and therefore is now receiving a punishment from God for killing the child. Moreover, HIV is seen to be a disease for people who never cleansed after an abortion was performed or after the death of
48 a legal or illegal sexual partner (Modo et al. 2010). In the early 1990s, people who were very sick due to AIDS-related illnesses were thought to have been bewitched by their jealous relatives, neighbours and friends for their outstanding successes. Most young people, especially at the child-bearing age, believed that ARVs destroy reproductive health and reduce libidinal desire. Health care workers had to convince patients through the support groups that ARVs performed the opposite, for instance they improve adult fertility, increase libidinal desire and improve their psychological fitness and coping mechanism (Mosuoe 2016). The challenges of negotiating discourses about HIV, its prevention and care have been a great speculation for health service providers (Maile, 2011).