2.6 Ntumbuluko - the Bible translators' perspective
2.6.3 The profile of Rev. Jonas Ngomane and his understanding of ntumbuluko
Because of such difficulties in translation, Chamango argues for a close working relationship between translators and theologians. Translation needs a constant update, exchanging archaic words with current ones, such as the case of "nyama" to
"ntumbuluko." With such close relationship between theology and translation, the translators will better handle difficult terms and concepts in keeping up to date with contemporary theological contributions (Chamango 2003, interview).
Chamango proposes a close relationship between translation (translators) and theology (theologians) 'the translators must know what other theologians say' (Chamango 2003, interview). The translators need to be in constant contact with theological development, through studies, debates and publications. To use Bediako's language, one might say that he is saying "theology is the shaper of translation" while
"translation is the shaper of theology." It is theology that dictates the choice of words and terms in the process of translation. But, once the process is completed, the translated text shapes the theology.
Much could be said about this relationship between theology and translation, but we need to give space to the last informant of this category.
do very little on Greek and Hebrew. If they do, it is for cosmetic reasons. We believe that the mastery of languages is pivotal to the continuation of translations. As you know, in Mozambique there are many languages, there are about 16 languages61 or more.
(Ngomange 2003, interview)
Ngomane then came to the topic under discussion with the following historical information:
Coming back to your problem of the translation of Mahungu la Manene, in 1973 here at Ricatla there was a conference in the last years of the translation of Mahungu la Manene while I was a 3rd year student. It is here at Ricatla that personalities such as D C Marivate62 and others from South Africa came to try to consolidate the language of Mahungu la Manene Bible with Mozambicans. Unfortunately, many Mozambicans did not master Greek and Hebrew and could not argue out the external influences to the language. Let me not also forget the involvement of Bishop M and late of the Catholic Church in this translation endeavour.
(Ngomane 2003, interview)
After indicating that Mozambican participation was minimal, due to the lack of training, he points out that:
[T]he person who was in the forefront of the translation, especially for the New Testament, was Rev. Theo R Schneider63 from Switzerland and a lady. Both were regarded as Tsonga specialists in South Africa, but were missionaries. Under these circumstances, if you found the word ntumbuluko, others might find other discrepancies in the text. This is disturbing.
(Ngomane 2003, interview)
As one can notice, Ngomane felt as if I was pointing out discrepancies in the text of Mahungu la Manene. Indirectly, he attributes the problem to the fact that two
61 The issue of languages in Mozambique is quite complex. Johnstone's Operation World is an illustration of that. The 4th edition (1986) reprinted in 1987 indicates that there are 23 languages in Mozambique (Jonhstone 1986:306). The 5* edition (1993) indicates that there are 244 languages in Mozambique (although this could be a typographical error for "24") (Johnstone 1993:395). And the 6*
edition (2001) also called "the 21st century edition" says there are 39 languages in Mozambique (Johnstone, Mandryk & Johnstone 2001:458). How many languages are there in Mozambique? 23?
244 / 24? 39? Or what? Maybe the best answer is "many languages."
62 Marivate was a stylist of the translation project
63 Schneider is also mentioned in two documents from the Bible Society in South Africa from its Cape Town office. The first document is "Bible Translation into Tsonga: the people and their language"
(1979). This document names Schneider, born in 1925, who was invited by the Bible Society of South Africa 'to become the project co-ordinator for a dynamic Tsonga Bible Translation' (Reyneke 1979:2) with Rev. D C Marivate and Mr. T L Selapyane forming the editorial committee. But the other document "God's word speaks in today's Tsonga" published by The Sower (a Bible Society of South Africa publication in Cape Town) names Schneider last in a list of the final editorial committee. The list is in the following order: Rev. S D Maluleke, Mr. MJ Makuvele, Dr. D C Marivate, Mrs. AK Manyike and Dr. T R Schneider. They were assisted by Prof. MC Dippenaar, Rev. E F C Mashava, Prof. CBN Inkondo and Mr. F M Rikhotso (BSSA 1989:3).
missionaries (non-Tsonga natives) were given the guiding role in the translation because they were considered Tsonga specialists in South Africa. Later in the interview Ngomane is also critical of the dominating role of South Africa in the translation process. But after the above remarks, he gives his understanding of ntumbuluko.
According to Ngomane:
Ntumbuluko in Tsonga means many things. Ntumbuluko also means things or phenomena that one cannot interpret, and with the word ntumbuluko one explains that which one cannot explain.
For that reason one cannot use the term ntumbuluko to replace flesh in rendering [sarx] in the New Testament. Flesh [sarx] means carnality. Carnality and ntumbuluko do not appear to be conceptually related. This is a problem of our translations. I can give an example of the Ronga New Testament and the influences of non-Rongas in the text. I can even say that the problems in Tsonga (Shangaan) translation are fewer compared to problems in the Ronga translation.
(Ngomane 2003, interview)
Ngomane gives an interesting interpretation of ntumbuluko here. He understands ntumbuluko as an interpretative and explanative tool. He indicates that one uses ntumbuluko as an explanation and interpretation of that which one cannot otherwise explain or interpret. We can clearly see ntumbuluko here as a Tsonga heuristic device used for the understanding, interpretation and explanation of reality. However, Ngomane turned his focus to the problems of translation. For instance, he highlighted that in Ronga, if one goes to a Ronga-peaking church and compares the hymnbook, the New Testament and the old version of the Ronga Bible, one does not have to be a specialist to note that there is problem (Ngomane 2003, interview).
He pinpoints the problem as the external influences our languages suffer. He gives the example of Tsonga (Shangaan) that 'is suffering external influence of South Africa, the North of Transvaal, the place of translation of Tsonga in South Africa, precisely in the town of Valdezia and not Gazankulu. This place is close to the Venda and its Tsonga is mixed with Venda. Many words in our Tsonga Bible are Venda- influenced because Tsonga of Valdezia is mixed and/or adulterated with Venda' (Ngomange 2003, interview). But in the end, Ngomane acknowledged that, in many ways, the new translation {Mahungu la Manene) is far better than the old version. But
he admitted to not being well-informed about the Bible Society's point of view in Maputo. He manifested a desire to be involved with the Bible Society and to have training in translation so that he could be involved in translation after retirement.
Contrary to Ngomane, Mavulule and Nhagumbe were quite happy with the use of the word ntumbuluko in the Bible, and they use it in other languages that are not of Tsonga language family. But they are also critical of the influence of South African Tsonga in the Mahungu la Manene version. The Executive Secretary also indicated that the work of translation was done 90% in South Africa and that the Tsonga we have in the South African translation is not quite the pure Tsonga. They blame this factor for the decline of Mahungu la Manene's acceptance in Mozambique. Because of my interest in the explanation and interpretation of the function of ntumbuluko, as Ngomane understands it, I brought him back to the question of his understanding of ntumbuluko.
I asked him to explain or give an example of how ntumbuluko is a theoretical tool to explain what one cannot explain. His answer was:
For instance, in ethical issues (corrective) if one questions the ethos or basis of it, the answer will be: "/ ntumbuluko wa hina" (this is our ntumbuluko) - you can't do that - it is an ethical problem. When they say i ntumbuluko wa hina (is our ntumbuluko), that must not be broken, if you break it, you are threatening the centre of gravity of life.
(Ngomane 2003, interview)
He goes on to say that there is ntumbuluko of everything. 'When they say
"ntumbuluko wa hina va Tsonga"' (Ngomane 2003, interview) they include in it lobolo. If one refuses to pay lobolo (although it is a new institution) they will accuse the person of breaking ntumbuluko and the woman for whose marriage no lobolo was paid will not feel comfortable and proud of her marriage. Finally, he warns that ntumbuluko may lead one to fanatic behaviour. 'The defence of ntumbuluko can lead one to be fanatic and die. There are people that commit suicide and die to defend ntumbuluko' (Ngomane 2003, interview). After giving this warning, he also indicated
that there are many types or levels of ntumbuluko. He says that the term ntumbuluko wa hina can refer to the tribe or extended family for there is: '(1) ntumbuluko of the tribe, (2) ntumbuluko of a zone (limited geographical area) and (3) ntumbuluko of a region' (Ngomane 2003, interview).
The last question was concerned with the participation, or otherwise, of Mozambicans in the choice of the term ntumbuluko to replace the term "nyama" he indicated that there was a certain discussion and contribution of Mozambicans in general, because the South Africans were conscious that Tsonga is in Mozambique and therefore they sought Mozambican participation. However, he lamented the lack of capacity among Mozambicans to take a lead in the project. According to Ngomane, everything was done under the 'hegemony of South Africa... for them even now when they come here, they think there is no knowledge here. They think that knowing cannot be acquired in Portuguese (munhu anga tiva hi Xiphutukezf! [Can anyone know in Portuguese?]). Do you see that? But now with your presence in South Africa, they are starting to have a bit of respect for Mozambique' (Ngomane 2003, interview).
This is an interesting interview. Ngomane uses this interview to address unsolved problems in his life story. The translation of the Tsonga Bible is the domain of the Presbyterian Swiss mission with its headquarters at Lausanne. Ngomane's Presbyterian Church is the work of that mission. After the interview, Ngomane expressed shock at the way the Presbyterian Church of Mozambique is being marginalized by the sister church in South Africa. He indicated that it was looked down upon and despised by his fellow Tsonga theologians in South Africa. One needs also to remember that the same mission (Swiss Mission) invested in South Africa, producing competent translators in Tsonga, but chose not to do so in Mozambique, and then discriminated against them for not having capacity when they were never given the opportunity to develop.
To summarise the understanding of ntumbuluko among the Bible translators in Mozambique, we can say that ntumbuluko is:
1) nature or naturalness 2) humanity or human nature 3) origin of things
4) what gives origin to everything that exists 5) existence or pre-existence
6) originator 7) beginning
8) double-edged sword (saving and punishing power) 9) explanation and interpretation of reality
10) ethos or ethical foundation 11) centre of gravity of life 12) cultural and social custom and 13) life- and health-promoting.
Mavulule argues that everything is born or made out of nature, and that whatever exists owes its origin to a beginning which he calls ntumbuluko. As we can see, this category of informant is very positive towards the concept. When confronted with the very negative use of the term in the Bible, they feel ambiguous. Chamango highlights the fact that ntumbuluko is not always negative; it is a more neutral term.
Mozambican translators do not easily accept the negative use of ntumbuluko in the Bible. One can easily notice that they do not use terms like "sinful nature,"
"immorality" and other negative terms that are related to the meaning of ntumbuluko in the Bible.
Chitlango and Balcomb (2004:183) argue that:
Attempts to use the term in translating Pauline theology of the "flesh" into Tsonga seem to heavily bias the meaning of the term towards a negative connotation. This is unfortunate, because the term is probably far more neutral, or at least open to both positive and negative meanings, in its Tsonga use than its use here implies... This erroneous translation reinforces the suspicion that Bible translation by missionaries, for example from the English into the vernacular, has in the past distorted original meanings with a view to demonizing indigenous religion and culture.
(Chitlango & Balcomb 2004:183)
This argument or comment on the use of the term ntumbuluko in Pauline theology is of significant importance. The pioneer missionary among the Tsonga was Henri A Junod. He studied Tsonga language and culture and wrote many books about the
Tsonga people, and all other missionaries came to know the Tsongas through his writings. To speak of his writings and the conception of Tsongas he disseminated we need to examine his intellectual upbringing.
Junod was directly influenced by Frazer in his study of the Tsonga people. The question is, who was Frazer? Sir James G. Frazer was the father of anthropology and his first work was published in 1890. This work was then expanded into 12 volumes and published in 1911-1915. He also published The Golden Bough in 1922. All of this was based not on research but on traveller's tales and accounts of explorers and missionaries (Mandelbeaum 1989:22). This is how anthropology started, without research! Now, when Junod prepared his study he described his data collection technique as: 'taking as a guide the set of questions prepared by Prof. J. Frazer for people collecting ethnographical material and giving special attention to the question of taboo' (Junod 1912:6). This study was done on the basis of the evolutionistic cultural human development theory. In his study, Junod described the Tsongas as
"completely savage" and "heathen." According to Mandelbeaum, 'Junod describes iron tools and metal currency of copper and gold that Ba-Thonga produced asserting that they must have been taught the skills and techniques by other peoples' (Mandelbeaum 1989:24). He asked a question to which he provides the convenient answer saying: 'Did they [Tsongas] rise by their own intellectual strength to the
"Bronze Age", like the inhabitants of our Swiss lacustrine villages? This idea cannot be entertained for an instant!' (Junod 1903:118). For Junod, Portuguese explorers, Arabs and Phoenicians from the earlier periods had taught them the techniques of exploiting ore to produce tools (Mandelbeaum 1989:24). In 1919 Junod said that:
'Ba-Thonga are in a very primitive development stage of civilization' (Junod 1914:96). He also said: 'Although most stories of the Ba-Thonga show clear distinction of good and evil, the African is comparable to an infant and recognizes the white man as his superior' (Junod 1914:100).
Junod is quoted in the Bible Society's "Bible Translation into Tsonga" as a source of information for the section "The People and their Language" (Reyneke 1979:2).
Needless to say, the Swiss missionaries and Tsonga Bible translators were influenced by Junod in relation to Tsonga people. He portrayed Tsonga people as "primitives,"
"heathens," "infants" and "inferiors" in relation to Western people.
However, he needs to be given credit. Although he was influenced by the thinking of his time, he was very optimistic about the "primitive natives" and was very sympathetic to the Tsonga. He became a sort of an advocate, trying to justify his savage and primitive friends to the civilised ones promising them that they also will come of age as they receive the scientific knowledge:
For instance look how seriously the savage keep their taboo!.. This taboo - as we will see - is inspired by strange, unscientific physiological ideas regarding defilement and contagion which will disappear when scientific knowledge has spread amongst them.
(Junod 1912:9)
According to Mandelbeaum (1989) Junod later corrected his misconception about the Tsonga people as he came to know them more and more. His later publications were less demeaning to the Tsonga than the initial ones. However, the Methodist missionaries in Mozambique were already influenced by his early writings although he himself had changed his views.
We can now sum up the views on the importance and value of ntumbuluko in Tsonga consciousness. Ntumbuluko is viewed as:
1) 2)
life itself (it is the source of life and is the life- the faithful)
a guide64 3) provider 4)
5) 6) 7) 8)
moral guardian
the normative and supreme law
the health-protector and health care-taker land-fertilizer and
solution to life's problems and puzzles.
•giver, ensuring longevity of
Ignoring, overlooking or abandoning ntumbuluko causes social and ecological chaos and disaster, resulting in a lack of rain, droughts, unstable family life, and diseases and plagues causing premature death, and so forth.
64 Ntumbuluko provides what Andrew Walls (1989:9) and Howell (1997:240ft) call the "key to conduct".
2.7 Analytical summary of the informants' definitions, views and descriptions of