Proportion of households who li\ cd in the area hefore and after the genocide

128 Cyangugu. The mam problem of water and electricity supply was technical,

5.4. IMPACT OF THE GENOCIDE ON STRUCTURES

5.4.1. Household losses during the genocide 1. Household deaths

5.4.2.3. Proportion of households who li\ cd in the area hefore and after the genocide

By and large, households ale ne\\ in the _<.'ell~ (76^u()) whereas only

24%

of households sampled lived in the same area before Jild afkr the genocide (Table 5.43). These households who stayed at the samc plclCC bclt)(C and after the genocide are basically from the Hutu ethnic group who were not targeted by killers during the genocide.

However. few people from the Tutsi ethnic group remained in the same place before and after for the reasons given by one head of household.

-. Although Ilo<;t everyhod: here. thisIOIVIl(Rularel remains my home and the soil of m:

<1nCeSl ors ".

Table5AJ:Proponion or ll11ll,ehold, \\'ho liveJ in the arc.!hdiHe (Ir afier Ihe gc:n(lcidc: (n-Ino).

I"reljllL'nC\ l'crcel1l

l1d'ore Ihe_~cl1l1cllk ] I ~.l(l

.\ tier Ill.:~ell\'Cllk ^~(.

-

p{l

IOlal IO(l 10011

Many houses were destroyed during the genocide. This forced people to migrate. to or from other provinces (20%) and rural areas 10 tov"ns (16%». Similarly. the majority of people from exile (-to%) preferred settling in l()\\-ns .iust aller the genocide because of access to facilities Jnd ["or security purposes. People from rural arcas especially rare Tutsi survivors moveJ to urban areas for securit: reasons but also because rehabilitation schemes af1er the genociJe started there mainly in Kigali and other to\\ns across the country. This explains the high number of Tutsi ethnic affiliations in the sampled population.

r : : : - , . - - - ,

Plact: IreqU':I1C~

Same area .A.nOlllerPro\i l1ee Ruralare;1 frolll e:-:ilc TOJaI

' - - - ----- --- - - -- ..

2~

I

20 III

·10

I

lOll

_J

134

5.4.2.4. Movement to allotilt:r pian' if gi,CII \/ppudunit}

The majority of household heads (64%) expressed their wish (0 emigrate to inside (45%) or outside of the country (19%). basically 101' employment and educational reasons.

Traumatised hy the genocide they imagine other countries better. The majority amongst this group wished to go back. to their previous settlement inside the country (25%) and others elsewhere in the country where they could get higher incomes (20%) (Tahle

545).

This is the case of the Ceil of Musange in Butare town li,,;ng from agriculture.

'vvhere almost all members \vallled In go back to the yaruguru Di"trict \\-here they were before the genocide. Also former refugees returning from neighbouring countries wanted to go back for employment and security reasons to thc..;e countries. Thiny-si.\

percent of households did not \ ant (0 move. Other reasons for moving were not expressed by households. such as the fear for presumed perpetrators of genocide afraid of traditional courts which are currentl:- .Judging all people suspected of !;enocide.

"Whoever killed or hetra}ed CCluld not escape the (;(/CUCtl tradit.ional ('OUrls"

commented one head of household.

-._._- _T

I

I'~~~

i ^I

I'r<:qllC:;lc\

j

f-

I

Prcvioll' ,enklllt:llt ill,id" I I

lhe LOllr'lr) 25 .NO

Else"here in Ihe_cOll!l~r~ 111 I -' I.n

I

^II

O~lt;::idc:he WlIlllr) 10

'n.o I

no

1101 ;110\e .,6 no^{l I^I

TOlal It~(I

i

¹

- - - _ _ _ _ _ -..1.._ l{l()~

5A.2.5. Socialising with neighbour"s before and after the genocide

After the genocide, 16% of households did Ilot socialize a( all with neighbours. Former ciose social relations (

100%

before the genocide) became we3k for reasons given above.

135

For 84% of households. socialising \Vas olien very superficial according to leaders interviewed (Table

5.46).

Tahle :'iA<l: Socialisinil wilhnci~hh,,"r,:lIier IhL'~L'llIlL'l,k (n lilO)

I

Fn.:qllcncv

Yes R4

L -

~_(~I_a_1

^----'-

~

People stopped socializing or sociali7c surerlicially for several reasons. for cxample:

shock. being traumatized and upset b) killings and massacres committed

by

clos~

neighbours (95%); were still suspicious or neighbours \"ho were unknown within the nev resettlement (75%). Other reasons were that households round it hard to build ne\\' relationships in new rcsidenti::ll env ironmcnts (5.i%) or they werc afl'aid that the genocide would stal1 again (69°/0) (Tabk .-.47).

, - - - -

I

Reasons

r

I \;f?SSilcn: hy closc

ncighh(llll~---

'-;lI,picion

Siller10be individllaliSlic

I elllocation (do not know neighbours)

Hard10built newrClali()n~hip ..\ ti'aid ornc\\killlllg,

I _.- I lJ5

7<,

5]

l'e'Tcnl

Table

5.48

shows circumstances for socialising which did not change very tlluch before and after the genocide. except for weddings and worshipping. The main circutllstances for socialising were funerals/mourning (76% before and 73% after). weddings (96%

before against 31% after) and bars and pubs (66% against 59%). Weddings become

136

more and more a matter of cl()~c laJl1il~ members. Places of worship became an important opportunity for socialising within congregations after the genocide _(3~%).

This was because many religions were promoting unity and reconciliation among believer. Bil1hday parties were reported b' very few households from downtown as an occasion for socialising.

Table 5.48: CirClIl11SlilnCes 101' sociillising hernre and <,tier Ihe genocideI(N=84) (MlIliiple responses)

L _

CilTlIll1stanceo;

\\ieddill~'

1'1IIlcr:i1, 111111l11lll11C . I

I i

I

II

L

^Il;,r,\Vllr,h'Plllll~^alldI'll'"

- - -- _ . -- - - -

5.4.2.6. Socio-political relationships of households

Relatiollships which were basic-all: \cr.' gl)nd bct'ore the genocide arc at prcsent good (50%). satisfactory

(27%)

and _:2~(J,(\ \cr: good Jccording to households (Tablc

5.·N).

However. relationships are srill characterised by slIspicion. It was reported for example thar young orphans do not socialise with children whose parents are in prison for participaring in the genocide.

fahle 5.-1'.1:~H~CIU-Plllilical relaliun,hip illkr tl,c gCIH)l'llk(11 lOO)

2-I1 1/11111 :

50 I 27

i

lOO

- ~- - !

... - - - -

-,-

I

^I

r---:-~---:--I

^Frequenc)

i

^['elcenl

Ver.' Q_o0d- ! ..\)' II _ \l '(J II

C;nnd Silli,l":Jl llll"\

TI'1.l1

Before 1994 rhere \vere very fe\v pwblellls vv ith neighbours. There was re pect for elders li'om any ethniC group and the children's education was the task or each member of the Cell. The comlllunities kne\v those people who could be trusted. People trusted their neighhours and the people they. did husiness \vith

137

After the genocide, everythil1:~ ch(jn~('d. "he neighbourhood changed. People, especially in downtown areas do not even knov.. their close neighbours because or different backgrounds. In Cyangugu town for example, only a quarter was in the town before and after the genocide. Because of the prohlems of daily life. people are too busy to visit or to be visited. People becamc too individualistic declared all leaders interviewed. Social inequalities were also mentioned as a source of poor relationship quality vvithin the Cells. As one proverb was cited:

.. arlllS with different lengths cannot _~reet each other" (alllab0ko atalTshya ntal10berana).

However. many young people had :1 di fferent perspective and feel their relationship with neighbours is positive. Concerning people of other ethnic groups. the youth had fewer prejudices and feel they were well integrated with each other. Young peor-Ie agreed that social relationships between the Hutu and the Tutsis ethnic groups have improved considerably as one young man c,-plaincd:

.• At this time we tind ourselves together during festivities and other occasions. speak 10 0ne another. carr; the sick one for others as it was before the genocide"".

Most young people agreed for c.'(ample that they ',,'ere free to marry anyone they wanted even if it was a person from a different ethnic group. This was a good sign lix the country's future reconciliation.

To manage socio-political relationships. formal and inrormal. means were reponed at all administrative unit levels. At a District level. the administration encompassed the Mayor. the District Counsel (Njyan<1llla): delegates 1"1'0111 Secwrs: the District executive Com m i ttee: the Mayor and 4 Secretaries (Econolll ic isSUC'S. Youth and sport. soc ia I issues and Gender). At Sector level there was a Coordinator. a Secretary and other members in charge of security. development, education. social relationships, finances.

youth and span, gender and culture. Cells had the sallle organisation as Sectors. Other

138

means reported to reinforce rcl,lliollship were the (ja('uca. the community service (Umuganda) and new elected "medintors" in the reconciliation process called Abunzi.

Relationsh

i

ps were charactcri sed b) .;uspic ion. H0\\ever, the most important qua Iity in the leadership reported by m:ln) '.\,1.' the sensitivil) to people's problems.