4. METHODOLOGY
4.2 SAMPLING
This study made use of a non-probability purposive sampling strategy. The sample consisted of 20 South African children between the ages of 8 and 12 years old from a local, urban,
government, former model C, primary school located in a relatively low socioeconomic area in Pietermaritzburg.
While no school has a completely homogenous socioeconomic composition, this local school can be characterised as a relatively lower socioeconomic government school that consists of a predominantly black, low income demographic. However, it is important to emphasize that no claim is made here that the children who participated in this study are living in absolute poverty or wealth, rather the relativity of their circumstances in comparison to other schools in the area is emphasized (Sutton, 2009).
Socioeconomic background of the area in which the school is based
The area in which the school is based (Oribi) was officially designated a low-rental Government village for poor whites in 1957. Since 1995, however, accommodation for all race groups has been provided under the administration of the KwaZulu Natal Provincial Housing Development Board (Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004). To qualify to reside in Oribi, a person must not be a
homeowner and must earn under R2000 per month (Piper et al., 2003, in Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004). A waiting list of over 5000 families on social grants remains every year, and houses are allocated according to the size and genders of the family unit (Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004).
According to census data (Statistics South Africa, 2004, in Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004), in 1996 the majority of Oribi residents were white, with significant numbers of unemployed and disabled people and pensioners. However, a survey by Piper et al. (2003, in Zaverdinos- Kockott, 2004) revealed that in 2003, 51% of residents were black, 41% white, and the remaining 8% mainly coloured. According to this 2003 study, new black residents of this area reportedly appeared to be better off than white residents, with over 67% of black households having an employed household head compared to only 50% of white households, and the remaining percentages of each of these groups on welfare support (Piper et al., 2003, in Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004). Further, the issue of illegal residents (those who have gained houses illegally) had been cited as a source of racial antagonism in the area on the part of white residents, and was exacerbated by the socio-cultural differences and the perceived link between the growing number of black residents and the increased crime levels. On the other hand, almost all black residents, in Piper et al.‟s survey, reported that they were satisfied with their lives in Oribi, and saw it as an economic upward step from township life.
Piper et al.‟s survey (2003, in Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004) revealed that (despite low rentals) an estimated 90% of residents in 2003 did not pay rent; that electricity and water supplies were frequently cut due to non-payment; and that provincial government‟s management of Oribi was poor. In this survey residents reported that rubbish dumps on empty lots are ever-growing; that shebeens (unlicensed or illegally operated pubs or bars) and brothels are widespread; and that these factors (as well as the low socioeconomic conditions of residents) have resulted in increased crime, with one resident reporting that “the police are tired of Oribi” (Piper et al., 2003, in Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004: 14).
Amid this negative socioeconomic picture, it must be noted however that all government houses in Oribi have piped water and electricity, and that residents have access to telecommunication in the form of telephones, cell phones, and pay phones (Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004). There is a community clinic for primary healthcare and mental health care which opens twice a week, and the municipal mobile library bus visits weekly. In addition, there are a number of long-standing organisations, most of which are run by the Natalse Christelike Vroue Vereniging, including a baby day-care; a pre-primary school; and a senior centre (which provides cheap cooked meals), as well as funeral and dance/ cultural societies run by residents. Numerous small businesses are also run by residents in the area from residential premises, including hairdressers, tuck shops and telephone centres (Zaverdinos-Kockott, 2004).
The school from which participants were drawn for this study is situated within a kilometre of Oribi and a large Government housing estate, at which a large number of the children reside.
This school has electricity and water, as well as a well-stocked library.
Sample rationale
This sample was chosen for a number of reasons.
Firstly, there is a need for research on South African children‟s views of socioeconomic circumstance and income inequality. As discussed in the literature review, social and cultural factors in children‟s understanding of socioeconomic inequality has thus far only been explored in one other study in South Africa (Bonn et al.,1999). Given South Africa‟s unique social and political history, this provides a particularly rich site for exploring the social and cultural influences on children‟s thinking and the meaning they give to social circumstances.
Secondly, the use of a sample from a lower socioeconomic (predominantly black) South African population allows for comparisons with Bonn et al.‟s (1999) South African study. The sample used in this study is not completely equivalent to Bonn et al.‟s due to the unique
historical and social context of the school and surroundings areas, the English medium language use, and the inclusion of white and coloured children. The use of a South African lower
socioeconomic sample of similar age groups does however facilitate possible comparisons.
Further, the use of the sociocultural framework to illustrate the contextual nature of these understandings allows for comparisons based on the age related trends and the use of contextual factors in the children‟s responses.
Third, the views of children from lower socioeconomic circumstances are likely to reflect sociocultural factors that are specific to the South African context. This is because those from lower socioeconomic circumstances are likely to have had personal exposure to a wide demographic of people from different socioeconomic circumstances in their everyday social interactions in their school, church, neighbourhood, parents‟ workplaces, wider community etc in the South African context. Further, the unique history of the population demographic in the area in which the school is based means that the children from this school are also likely to reflect some specific factors consistent with the context of their communities.
Lastly, the use of this sample allows one to gain insight into how South African children from lower socioeconomic circumstances (who have less privileges and opportunities and are seen as lower in the social hierarchy) view themselves and others in light of the socioeconomic
disparities and income inequality in South Africa.
The limited access to resources and constrained timeframe involved in a Masters dissertation also made this a convenient and easily accessible sample as the School of Psychology has good relations with the school that participated in this study. Further, although the majority of the children are first language isiZulu speakers, the school‟s medium of instruction is English, which allowed the researcher to carry out all aspects of the study herself as language was not a barrier.
Sampling procedure
Following ethical clearance, permission was obtained from the school to conduct this study with the pupils and a meeting was held with the school‟s vice principal in which access to the
children and school facilities were negotiated. The school‟s vice principal disseminated a total of 20 parental consent forms to children at the school‟s discretion. The only instructions from the researcher were that the study required 10 children between the ages of 8-10 and 10 children between the ages of 11- 12, with equal gender distributions between in each group. The school chose to select children from two classes (Grade three and Grade six, respectively). Although additional consent forms were given to the school, should some parents not consent to their child‟s participation in this study, the parents‟ of all 20 children selected by the school consented. Further, no child asked to take part in this study refused.
The sample consisted of equal numbers of male and female participants within each age group (10 males, 10 females). The racial demographic of the sample consisted of 14 black children, three white children and three coloured children. In data collection, the children were divided into younger and older age groups (ages 8-9 and ages 10-12, respectively). Each focus group consisted of 10 children. In the younger age group, the mean age was nine years old, with three children aged eight; six aged nine; and one aged 10 years. In the older age group, children were equally distributed between the ages of 11 and 12 years, with five children aged 11 and five children aged 12. Separate focus groups were conducted with each age group, however using the same instructions, questions and tasks described below.