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Within the socialization theory, an individual’s resistance to oppression is unrecognized, and therefore does not account for agency. It instead addresses opposition to social norms as deviance rather than resistance on the part of the individual. Thus how human agency works is ignored therefore how people engage in creative ways to adapt to their situations or environments and how they improve to reach their goals given their constraints becomes invisible. Thus in socialization theory, discussion is missing on how human agency comes to the fore as individuals negotiate and shape their actions and behaviours against a patriarchy and traditional society. Socialization theory does not provide a framework to analyse this.

In this study, it was necessary for me to draw on social constructivism theory which

challenges the child as devoid of constructive thought. Social constructionists argue for the positioning of children as active social beings who have the capacity to think and do. My study challenges passivity or sexual innocence in young girls. Rather than simply viewing girls (and boys) as empty vessels waiting to be filled, my study authenticates the girls (my respondents) as active sexual beings. The next discussion focus on the social constructionist theory and its relevance for my study.

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femininities to ensure ‘passivity’ in relationships. Social constructionist theory thus

emphasises that sexuality is a social construction. Similar to Foucault’s theory on the fluidity and the circulation of power, Kimmel (2002) contends that the social constructionist

framework allow for transformations of gender relations that would support the safety and security of women and girls. It becomes explicable then that by also adopting the social constructionist framework, it created a space for gender to be challenged as a fixed construct without losing sight of the contextual considerations within which gender identities are constructed. This theory has been used by many pioneering ‘childhood’ researchers for example Bhana (2002), MacNaughton (2004) and Renolds (2005) who have highlighted children’s capacity to act, think and give voice to gender and sexuality. Bhana, a leading South African researcher in Early Childhood Development (ECD) ventured bravely into unchartered territory, pushing the boundaries in ECD research by researching gender and sexuality in six and seven year olds in four schools in KwaZulu Natal. The social

constructionist theory allowed her to explore how boys and girls claimed, negotiated and resisted power within the school setting. Paechter (2017) also argues for the recognition of children as sexual beings. She argues that children are invested in their sexualities and

contrary to the moral panic than encompasses children’s active displays of their sexual selves, research has illustrated that children are active sexual beings who are invested in their sexual identities. She supports that children are inscribed in the heterosexual word in numerous ways. For example, she points out the family, the school and society support gender binaries that reify and support male and female sexualities. In schools, she demonstrates this by drawing attention to separate uniforms for boys and girls, the gendering if tasks [as Connell does too], school formals such as lining up and school dances that pair boys and girls as partners. Thus by following the school’s lead, boys and girls inscribe themselves into discourses around normative sexualities. Paechter argues that construction children as

asexual or less sexual is dangerous because it can expose them to danger. However, she notes that whilst this is so, there is rejection of alternate sexualities. She explains that when for instance girls hold and kiss each other is viewed as okay, boys seen kissing other boys raises contradictory behaviour and is frowned upon. In this way, she explains how boys and girls, even from a very young age become invested in a heterosexual culture.

Distinct from gender yet intimately linked to it, sexuality is the social construction of a biological drive, including whom to have sex with, in what ways, why, under what

circumstances, and with what outcomes. According to Dixon Mueller (1993) and Zeidenstein

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and Moore (1996), sexuality is influenced by rules, both explicit and implicit, imposed by the social definition of gender, age, economic status, and ethnicity. What is fundamental to both sexuality and gender is power. Connell’s (1994) theorisation of masculinities and gender power relations was also chosen as it provided a clear theoretical basis for this study to explore how these girls construction of gender power advanced their experiences of sexual violence. This framing also supports the essence of and the fluidity of masculinity and

femininity in the various contexts such as material poverty, urbanisation and globalization all of which contribute in one way or other to women and girls vulnerability to male violence.

The unequal power balance in gender relations that favours boys (men) translates into an unequal power balance in sexual interactions. In exploring girls’ construction and negotiation of gender and sexuality, this study seeks to understand how gender and sexuality is

constructed and influenced by structural forces such as race, class, age and society which determine the distribution of power.

Thus it makes sense to draw on both these theories as they recognised that power was multi- dimensional, relative to the situation in which one found one’s self and that power was not exclusive to age or gender. It is also important that I explain my decision to move away from the socialization paradigm. Vance (1984) called for a social constructionist approach to sexuality as she believed that it would allow for the examination of a range of behaviours, ideologies and subjective meanings that are accorded to sexuality but which are implicitly mediated by culture and society. According to Vance, the utility of social constructionist theory can also be found in its emphasis on the meaning that is attached to sexual behaviours.

She argues that physically identical sexual behaviours may have different social and personal meanings depending on how they are defined and understood, and from whose perspective.

This resonates with Gavey (1989) and Harris and Dobson (2015) who also recognise the plurality of meanings that girls attach to their experiences of gender and sexual violence.

Prout and James (1990) also support that children are active social beings who are able to construct knowledge to shape their behaviour and thinking. This suggests, then, that the fluidity of gender leads to capricious behaviour in individuals, including children. Likewise, Connell’s notion of gender as mutable and socially constructed resonates with social

constructionist theorists who see children as agents and in control of their gender identities (Butler, 1993; Connell, 1987; Prout & James, 1990).

31 2.5. Poststructuralist theory

Power relations are steeped in subjectivity, since emotions are key to contestations in any form. Connell therefore maintains that in reality, a person beliefs defines their acceptance, rejection and or contestation of the socializing process. Connell’s view challenges the

construction of gender and sexuality as monolithic and individuals as passive recipients in the socialisation process. Instead, in calling for a recognition of agency, Connell’s message is clear in that a person’s behaviour is influenced by his or her own beliefs, therefore behaviours are intrinsically motivated and agentic. This recognition of subjectivity links to

poststructuralists’ conceptualization of power, gender and sexuality as fluid and contestable.

The concept of power and therefore agency is central to poststructuralism theory.

Poststructuralists argue that expressing one’s voice and taking action are key to emancipation and empowerment. It’s a way of recognizing that we exist in a dynamic context and that everything, for example laws, policy, the constitutions and norms, can change. The remainder of this chapter focuses on poststructuralists notions on power, gender and sexuality.

Foucault’s philosophy of knowledge and power in relation to the body which has been particularly useful in this study as it offers a framework to theorise and understand how power shapes knowledge and experience in relation to sexuality. In the following discussion, I focus on Foucault, exploring his views on sexuality, power and knowledge.