3.4 The concept of memory in the context of Rwanda
3.4.1 Traumatic memories
The debate about memories and remembrance is, however, mostly concerned with what can be remembered and in which ways. Although most tragic events encode consequences that are
78 realistic and which cannot be ignored, the way they are remembered and the integration of some imagery and other tools of remembrance need to be discussed. Through the experienced tragic situations, there is a pain which does not diminish. We find that the best means to reduce memory‘s destructive anguish is to share bad experiences and stories with friends, neighbours and community members.
Memory and remembrance create an open place to understand each other. The sympathy in this is developed via careful attention to the suffering of the victim. In this way, one triggers the social and moral responsibilities of understanding each other, as part of the desire for remembrance, which is not ‗free cost‘ (Seidel 1986: xii). Although memory symbols raise many questions about their imagery and what could be remembered, they are constraints that have become part of daily life; the positive and bad side of memories are realities of human existence (Roth 2001:106). Learning from the consequences of human action is another aspect of remembrance which can initiate change if memories and symbols are valued (Seidel 1986: xxii).
The rational and irrational feelings of remembrance should be shared by the community as a social responsibility, because they cannot be easily separated (Yehuda 2001:1). On the other hand, individual and community involvement always gives a social character to remembrance.
Although memories have their roots in an individual experience, they bear a social character when the time comes to remember. Some challenges in integrating memorials in the community fabric, and the appropriate scale of accepting their message, exist. The present research examined how genocide memorials address the issues of social values within their tangible and intangible aspects. How can the local community view those symbols of a tragic period from their expected and unexpected messages?
Memory does not simply address individual‘s or private experience, but it is part of the public and collective domain that takes root in social, cultural and political aspects. Memory is a
79 phenomenon that is directly related to the present. Our perception of the past is always influenced by the present, which means that memory changes with time and space. Memory is a community characteristic. Castoriadis (1977: 281) states that ‗public time may signify a dimension where the collectivity can inspect its own past as a result of its own actions, and where an indeterminate future opens up as a domain for its activities‘. Memory is part of human culture and because of this we learn that Ancient Rwanda had many aspects of family and public memories.
We have seen earlier that it is relevant to maintain proverbs and sayings as contributing to the understanding of memory in the context of culture. However, even though a comprehension of memory is likely to be fundamental in making sense of the continuity of the self, of the connectedness between mind and body, and of our experience of time, it has often been curiously neglected by many social scientists and philosophers. This entry‘s primary focus is on that part of contemporary philosophical discussion of memory which is continuous with the development of theories in the cognitive and social sciences: attention to these interdisciplinary fields of memory studies is driving renewed work on the topic. Many problems regarding memory require us to examine cross cultural, philosophical traditions and sub-disciplines, touching on phenomenology, philosophy of psychology, epistemology, social theory, and ethics at the same time.
Memory is not a representation of everybody who understands the issue. Indeed, it is generated by the social aspect of the matter under consideration. The socialized understanding of what has happened gives power to the event by stressing the whole community. This is facilitated by the dominance of social groups, influential institutions and political power. It is relevant to underline the positive engagement of some members of the community to internalize the common issue.
Those social aspects of memories, or the collectivization of memories, may be defined as ‗the property of dominant forces in the state‘ (Winter and Sivan 1999: 9).
80 One of the necessities in integrating the public memory into the local community is that its effects spread and reach the entire community. From the above diversified points of views, we find that to some extent, memory is a social fact that is external to individuals, as it exercises a coercive force on them. Memory is not a personal product. It is a product of the event that compels the victim and the rest of the community to remember. Memory imposes on individuals a behaviour as the product of what is remembered and so individuals can adopt a stressed attitude to those social facts (Durkheim 1937: 3-14).
3.5 The impact of proverbs and sayings in the Rwandese memory
In this chapter, proverbs and sayings illustrate the concept of memory in the Rwandan culture.
Proverbs and sayings show how and what people think about different issues in the community.
Some of those maxims are found in Rugamba‘s writings (1987: 19-22, 315-327; 1988: 24- 26, 50- 55, 128- 130). They state that people who committed wrong should be responsible for their evils and thus the wrong should be absolutely returned to its doer. From the Rwandan proverbs, revenge through punishment is part of re-establishing social relations, but this should be clearly administered. This mentality is still an influential latent aspect to persuade the post-1994 genocide environment in Rwanda.
However, on the other side, the environment of genocide memorials is still permeated with remnants of a culture that accepts revenge. This is a source of concern for the community.
Proverbs and sayings are the pillars of customs and ways of living that continue to confuse the population‘s understandings of genocide memorials. Shyaka (2004: 16) believes that the power that comes after a conflict should be considered, since people are able to learn from the mistakes of the past. This is only possible if the population provides criticism, feelings and a plan for the best manner to organize the society. The dynamic aspect of genocide memorials that enables the community to look forward to a new understanding and consideration of their context, is strange to the cultural content expressed by proverbs and sayings.
81 In the context of the post-1994 genocide, some sayings and proverbs and the way people are still attached to them, may be a problem in a context where members of the community are claiming justice. As a matter of fact, many Rwandans still believe that the entire family is held accountable if there is one who did wrong and who is ready to bear the responsibility. The traditional Rwandan saying indicates that ‗inzigo iba mu muryango‟ (the evils of a family member strain the whole family and if revenge were to apply, the entire family has to suffer).
However, this triggers more confusion concerning the interpretation of those symbols of traumatic memories. This dynamic aspect of cultural behaviour is a struggle that complicated the interpretation of the messages genocide memorials and their symbols convey.
It is sensed that behind the new symbol, community members read ‗a new philosophy‘. If this new philosophy is going to contradict the message of proverbs and sayings, those messages are going to face some barriers, because community members read them in their traditional way of understanding things. The reality of the expected changes that will be generated by the genocide memorials are challenged by the community understandings. Taking the example of some sayings like inzigo iba mu muryango, which means that the evils of a family member strain the whole family and if revenge were to apply, the entire family had to suffer, the concept inzigo (scar) means the attitude of maintaining anger towards the person who wronged in order to carry out revenge against them or their relatives (Rutayisire and Nyirimanzi 2003: 24).
The second meaning of inzigo is traced back to traditional rituals of religion. It means the first initiation to kubandwa, the practice of Rwandan traditional religious rituals. If somebody did not go through this process, they were considered as inzigo. This constrained the person to limited forms of religious rituals. Thus the person could not attend religious ceremonies as her/his freedom was restricted in social and cultural responsibilities. This constraint has always had negative connotations that bound the person to some maledictions if they went beyond what was allowed by their status of being inzigo (Bigirumwami 2004:284).
82 This proverb shows that there is a social, cultural and psychological stigmatization behind the one who is called inzigo among the Rwandan community. This concept is still in the present vocabulary. Hence, consciously or unconsciously, those understandings have the potential to influence people‘s views of their social environment which can influence the meaning of genocide memorials. Conflict does not only affect the individual; it also involves both families.
The shame is shared by those who are guilty and those who are innocent (Rutayisire and Nyirimanzi 2003: 24). This kind of socialization of an individual‘s actions is still believed to affect the social relationship of the community. Thus this proverb means: a fault of one relative concerns all family members. From this traditional Rwandan mentality, there is a fear of not overcoming traditional understanding if we consider genocide memorials‘ messages when people read about the struggle in the genocide memorials. The reality is that the effort to change this perspective in reading the symbols of genocide memory‘s message is necessary, though very difficult.
Another example that illustrates how inzigo was/is taken seriously in the Rwandan community can be seen in the dowry ceremony. During the ceremony of paying dowry, there is a cultural discusssion between the two concerned families. The discussion, which lasts almost three hours, is organized; the extended family, friends and neighbours are invited to participate. Their talks try to reveal if there is a relative from the boy‘s family who had harmed a family member of the girl. This then becomes an obstacle to the marriage process and there is an imperative effect that even reaches those who are not involved in the issues. These traditional ceremonies help to explain how the minds of members of the community work. As the dowry process is a family matter, relatives are involved in it and today this is still how Rwandans understand it, even if modern social law decrees that the innocent party is not directly concerned.
The reality is that some consequences continue to be socialized, like paying for the wrong done by a family member. The relatives, who share the shame of a wrong-doing of a family member, continue to live with the messages of genocide memorials. This outlook did not disappear but
83 was ignored and is latent, waiting for the proper moment to re-appear. When a baby boy is born, people congratulate the family, saying, yabyaye umuhozi, which means that the baby boy will take vengeance if anybody shows aggression toward or attacks his family. This gives more social power to the baby boy than the baby girl. What is pointed out here is not to show the inequality between boy and girl but to focus awareness that, given the high sensitivity of the genocide memorials‘ message, this kind of thinking can jeopardize the process of restoring community social relationships and the whole of unity and reconciliation in the post-1994 Rwanda.
Nevertheless, in spite of this sensitive situation of the post-1994 genocide, proverbs and sayings are essential in social communication; they are silent factors that influence how the community views their environment. Some other proverbs, sayings or adages will be discussed in the next sections.
3.6 Rwandans‟ broad understanding of the living and the dead in the context of memory