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Boys, girls and the making of violence in a Pinetown secondary school : a case study of gender violence.

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This study explores the gendered nature of school spaces and shows how violence is produced in these spaces. The theoretical design of this study draws on the main ideas used to conceptualize gender violence in the school space.

Introduction

Background of the study

Human Rights Watch asserted that the South African government was not doing enough to address widespread gender-based violence in the country's schools (Human Rights Watch, 2001). The authors further highlight the fact that the widespread prevalence of gender-based violence in schools is a violation of girls' right to a respectful learning environment.

Gender violence in South African schools

5 confirms Burton's (2008) previous finding that the rate of violence in South African schools is very high, with an estimated 160 per 1,000 students being victims, in contrast to countries such as the United States of America, where this rate is estimated at 57 per 1,000 students. 000 students. The consequence of increased violence in South African schools is that schools have become places where children learn fear and suspicion and develop misleading understandings of their identities, rather than being a space for knowledge and other pedagogical engagement and construction (Burton, 2008 ).

Rationale

7 Some scholars have attributed the prevalence of gender violence in South Africa to the legacy of apartheid which was characterized by violent domination by the apartheid regime, violent resistance of the oppressed and the preservation of patriarchal beliefs and behavior (Bhana, 2012a; Mncube & Harber, 2013), while other studies claim that the prevalence of school violence is the outcome of the hidden curriculum that underwrites gender inequality (Pinheiro, 2006; UNESCO, 2015). The high rate of violence in South African secondary schools inspired this study on gender violence within a South African secondary school (Burton & Leoschut, 2012).

Aims and Objectives

I was also motivated by various media reports, a review of the literature, eyewitness accounts of violence in schools and my personal experiences with gender-based violence in my community in Cameroon. The goal was to contribute to the body of knowledge that portrays schools as unsafe spaces for students, especially girls, and to offer recommendations for making schools safe spaces for all.

Research Questions

Johnson (2009) identifies two components of school space that are related to gender-based violence – social and physical space. This illustrates the role of the school in the active protection of gender inequality which is the root of gender violence in schools.

Figure 2.1. CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING OF GENDER VIOLENCE IN  SCHOOLS
Figure 2.1. CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING OF GENDER VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS

Context of the study

Summary of chapters

Conclusion

Introduction

School spaces are gendered spaces (Prosser, 2007; Tupper, Carson, Johnson, & Mangat, 2008) that are crucial arenas in the manifestation of gender violence. This study examines how students interact with school spaces and how gender violence is enacted and negotiated within these spaces.

Conceptual framework

  • Violence
  • Gender power
  • School spaces
  • Gender relations
  • Gender violence

Next is an expansion on the following sub-topics: Gender violence as a global phenomenon; forms of gender violence;. Pinheiro (2006) argues that gender violence is the outcome of gender inequality, stereotypes and sexual harassment that is and is socially imposed on girls.

Gender violence as a global phenomenon

16 Figure 2.1 above is a visual representation of different concepts related to gender-based violence in schools. A study by Parkes and Heslop (2011) paints a very grim picture of the nature of sexual violence in and around African schools.

Forms of gender violence

The Human Rights Watch report (2001) shows that teachers who are expected to lead the fight against gender violence in schools are unfortunately often the perpetrators. The prevalence of gender violence in South Africa has led some scholars to describe it as having reached epidemic proportions (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010).

Gender violence in schools

Another major factor contributing to gender violence in schools is the culture of the peer group. The walls of the school in this study were covered with violent texts and drawings.

Table 3.1 summary of the research design and method
Table 3.1 summary of the research design and method

Contributing factors and manifestantions of gender violence in schools

Schools and the constructions of masculinities

Schools and the construction of femininities

On the other hand, other forms of femininity are characterized by resistance and non-compliance, while some are a combination of compliance, resistance and cooperation (Hlavka, 2014). It is based on the premise that men and boys are the main perpetrators and protagonists of violence (Bhana, 2012a; Eisenbraun, 2007; Parkes & Heslop, 2011), leaving girls and women as innocent victims.

Gender and spaces

These spaces include: public spaces (e.g. elevator); quasi-public spaces (e.g. public toilets and classrooms); semi-private spaces (e.g. shopping malls; halls and churches); and private space (eg home). This implies that “power relations form a central component of the constitution of gendered spaces” (Löw, 2006, p. 129).

Gendered school spaces and gender violence

Dunne (2007) argues that boys' dominance over the physical spaces of the school is evident in the physical spatial arrangements in the classroom. Dunne and Leach (2007) elaborate on how the formal and informal spaces of the school are gendered.

Conclusion

Studies have shown that a school's formal rules and regulations enable boys to dominate the physical spaces of the school such as the playground, the assembly area and even classrooms (Dunne & Leach, 2007; Renold, 2004; Tupper et al., 2008). Paechter and Clark (2007) identify the school playground as a prominent space for the construction of masculinity and femininity.

Introduction

Research design

Qualitative research

Scholars note that qualitative research is appropriate when seeking to gain an in-depth understanding of meanings, actions, both obscure and observable phenomena, attitudes, and behaviors (Cresswell, 2012; Stake, 2010). Nieuwenhuis (2007) states that qualitative research focuses on understanding the processes and the socio-cultural background that influence people's behavior.

Social constructionism

Methodology

Case study

The above discussion on the nature of a case study justifies the use of this approach in the current study. This study was a qualitative one based on social constructivism; these have been defined as typical characteristics of case study research.

Context of the study

There is a community library very close to the school that serves learners from Nje Sekondêr and other schools in the Mariannhill area. There is one sports ground in the school which is used for football and netball.

Gaining access

Sampling

43 members of the study population have an equal chance of being included in the sample. Purposive sampling was not limited to the choice of participants, but included the choice of study site (Nieuwenhuis, 2007).

Data collection

Observation

Focus groups

They were introduced to the topic and nature of the study and were given the opportunity to indicate whether or not they were willing to participate (Welman et al., 2005). The selection of these students was mainly motivated by the realization that they apparently had more information to offer, but could not express themselves freely because they seemed intimidated by the presence of the other members of the group.

Individual interviews

Four of the five girls who participated in individual interviews had also participated in focus group discussions but did not appear to express themselves freely. One of the three boys who participated in the individual interviews was part of an all-boys focus group discussion.

Analysis

This was because, unlike a normal conversation, I had to keep a record of the interview for analysis (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). However, as noted by (Rubin & Rubin, 2005), they quickly forget about the tape recorder during the interview.

Ethical issues

The quality of the transcription would be compromised if another person did it. Participant identities are protected by the use of pseudonyms for both participants and the school. Even the images used in the thesis are adjusted to prevent identification of the school.

Trust worthiness

According to Johnson (2009), social spaces in school refer to the nature of interactions between students and with school authorities. Crews, Crews and Turner (2008) argue that hate-related graffiti is one of the causes of violence in schools.

Fig. 4.1:  Hall ways
Fig. 4.1: Hall ways

My experience during data collection

Limitation

Unlike quantitative and/or positivist research, generalizability is not possible because the sample is not statistically representative of the population (Payne & Williams, 2005). While some participants did not attend the discussions, this had no effect on the sample and my study in general, as I anticipated such attrition and cautiously increased the sample size.

Conclusion

The case study methodology used meant that the findings are not generalizable and can only be applied to the context of the study. Ethical principles were maintained throughout the data generation process, ensuring that all participants were protected.

Introduction

Violence: gender power relations

Girls’ account of boys’ violence

However, this does not mean that women and girls are pathetic victims of boys' aggression. These girls not only resist boys' violence against them, but are also very concerned about their female peers who are victims of boys' aggression.

Boy-on-boy violence

As soon as he heard that I picked up the phone, he came to me and did a physically violent act on me because he is a big boy. He is very big, even now he is getting bigger and bigger every day.

Heterosexuality and fighting for boys

Young teenage girls are socialized to condone male aggression to the extent that they tend to take it out on other girls when they feel betrayed in a relationship. Therefore, this study adds to the body of literature such as (Bhana, 2008; Chesney-Lind & Irwin, 2008) that does not portray girls simply as pathetic victims of boys' violence.

Heterosexual intimate partner violence and culture

Boy-on-girl heterosexual intimate partner violence

I don't know if it's true that she was with another boy from the same class, but he hit her in front of everyone and you know teachers couldn't stop, because you know, it's not their business, when they go home , it will happen again. I asked her why she did that, but ma'am, you know bad mouth, so I was tempted to hit her once, ma'am.

Girls’ complicity in heterosexual intimate partner violence

Halls have been identified as one of the visible spaces in schools where sexual violence manifests itself (Bhana, 2012; Dunne, 2007). This study also examined the role of the school in promoting gender inequality through the gendering of school premises.

Gender, physical space and school violence

The hall ways

However, some girls seem to have earned their place in the corridors by entering into heterosexual relationships. In most cases, girls walking through the hallways were physically, verbally or sexually abused by the boys.

The playground

However, not all girls succumb to such restrictions and violence from the boys, especially when determining who owns certain school spaces. There were some girls who challenged the invisible restriction codes imposed by the boys.

Behind the girls’ toilets

Antoinette: You know, just to be in that state, we smoke every day, just to be naughty at times, feel high and be happy, it eases your mind you know…. Shirley shows knowledge of the danger of drug addiction when she says she smokes when she wants to be naughty and feel high.

Graffiti and the making of violence

They will come and they want to move you and usually it becomes violent or a fight ensues. I saw many messages clearly written on all the walls of the school, including the walls of the toilets.

Conclusion

In the process of analyzing and discussing the above themes, the study's research questions were addressed. Chapter five provides more detail on how these questions were answered through the findings and serves as a conclusion to the study.

Introduction

Summary of Chapters

Part one revealed how unequal gender power relations, which are the source of gender violence, limit social spaces in schools. Part two described how the gendered nature of physical school spaces acts as a catalyst for the manifestation of gender violence in schools.

Main Findings

Gender, social spaces and school violence

Gender, physical spaces and school violence

Recommendations

The principal

School principals should ensure that staff consistently implement all policies, including those on gender equality and non-violence in schools. With this in mind, school principals should ensure a greater presence of staff in and around these spaces.

Teachers

86 this problem is the fact that these spaces lack adult supervision; thus enabling students to use them as sites for the construction of their identity. Therefore, teachers should engage in dialogue and adopt non-violent forms of discipline (Save the Children, 2005).

Parents

87 Furthermore, the culture of corporal punishment in schools as a form of discipline complements perceptions that violence is an appropriate response to unacceptable behavior and that it is acceptable for powerful people to be violent against weak people (Save the Children, 2005).

Conclusion

Adolescent girls' experiences of school violence in Sierra Leone and challenges to sustainable change. Boys, girls and the perpetration of violence in a Pinetown high school: A case study of gender violence.

Gambar

Figure 2.1. CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING OF GENDER VIOLENCE IN  SCHOOLS
Table 3.1 summary of the research design and method
Fig. 4.1:  Hall ways
Fig. 4.2: The school play ground
+2

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