This chapter will provide an overview of this thesis on the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. Kaldor (2003) believes that civil society is what exists today in the realm between the state and the economy. Another theory of civil society brings out the aspect of the private and the public sphere.
Is civil society really trying to achieve regime change in Zimbabwe as the state claims?
CHAPTER TWO
As in most qualitative research, it is assumed that the researcher's values and biases are an integral part of the research processes and cannot be ignored. In conducting this research in Zimbabwe, the researcher believes that qualitative methods are the best way to collect data considering the nature of the topic and its political sensitivity. Consent forms were given to the participants in advance and the researcher further explained the reasons for conducting the interview, emphasizing that there were no material gains.
All who participated did so freely, knowing that the information they provided would go towards the researcher's thesis.
Chapter Three
This will be facilitated by focusing on two perspectives for civil society; i.e. the Marxist and the liberal view. But this peace is what has been taken away from Zimbabwean civil society by the state. Following the discussion of Hegel, this paper will discuss the two views of civil society.
In Hegel the state was supreme, while in Marx the state was subordinate to civil society. Second, civil society advocates strengthen the left's defense of non-state institutions and relationships against state power. Gramsci's conception of the state is also too broad because it includes civil society and endangers the autonomy of both institutions.
However, Beckman argues that the state has a central role to play in the construction and liberation of civil society (1993: 30). The liberal view is that the state should not interfere with markets and civil society. Emphasis was placed on the role of civil society in creating balance in relation to the state and the market.
Non-governmental organizations as part of civil society can become driving forces of democratization and development. This can only be a reality if civil society constantly puts pressure on the state to be more democratic. This means that the state must allow civil society to be part of the democratization process.
Liberal views on the construction of civil society focus on the rules that regulate the relationship between competing interests in society.
CHAPTER FOUR
At the same time, there was pressure from civil society amid the so-called accelerated land reform program and growing opposition in the country. Yet, civil society also lacks the capacity to provide security to the country's citizens. In the Zimbabwean context, civil society can still be a force for change as an essential ingredient of democracy.
The results of the 2000 elections suggest that civil society plays a crucial role in trying to bring about change in the country. However, this does not indicate an attempt by civil society to take over the state, as Mugabe sees it. In Zimbabwe there is no clear distinction between the government, the state and ZANU-PF.
It can be argued that to do this, the state must suppress the independent voice of civil society. Muchena's claims are that NGOs as part of the wider civil society do contribute a lot to the economic development of Zimbabwe, for example in terms of employment. The government of Zimbabwe claims that the NGOs are partisan as part of civil society.
I think the magazine represents a certain line of thinking in the so-called 'radical African civil society'. However, it will be misleading to talk about the autonomy of civil society from the state, as if it does not need the state.
CHAPTER FIVE
He was supported by David Harold Barry, research director of Silveira House, who agreed that it is not in the interests of NGOs to change any regime or interfere in the country's politics. However, their concern as an NGO is the quality of life of the country's citizens. Naturally, NGOs are concerned that anything they want, which may not be in the interest of the ZANU-PF leadership, is labeled 'political'.
This researcher's evidence shows that the most targeted organizations are those dealing with human rights issues, voter education and those trying to raise people's consciousness. Organizations such as NCA, ZESN, CCJP, Amani Trust, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights and many others are the first targets of the state repressive machinery. We are currently talking about the politicization of food, and the government denies what is happening.
We raise the national consciousness of the people to know what they should demand from their government. In Zimbabwe, because of the suffering of the poor under the current political leadership, the citizens want to see a change of regime. None of the information gathered could complement the government's accusations in the media that some NGOs and civil society organizations were sponsored by the UK and US governments to try to push the opposition Movement for Democratic Change into power.
Just before the 2005 elections, police in Harare took Lovemore Madhuku of the NCA in for questioning after the assembly published a report on alleged irregularities during the pre-election period. These are some of the laws that NGOs and civil society organizations have lobbied the government to abolish, saying they restrict their activities and are not democratic in nature.
NGO Bill scares away Donors
POSA prohibits anyone from "speaking about the President or other public officials in a disparaging manner which, in the opinion of the police, is likely to cause public alarm and distress" (Mair and Sithole, 2002: 3). Faced with these two pieces of legislation, civil society organizations and NGOs are trapped between two strong stones. This is how we managed to evade the law, but ultimately we cannot separate politics from everyday life, because as a church we are simply affected by general politics.
Their hope was that the state would try and acknowledge their efforts to improve the lives of ordinary Zimbabweans and respect the space that all civil society organizations need to operate freely without intimidation or recrimination. fake. The future of Zimbabwe depends on the democratic structures we as Zimbabweans put in place now and the space the state gives to civil society organisations. The future of civil society in Zimbabwe did not look very bright considering the lack of tolerance and authoritarian nature of the current regime and the support mechanism it has put in place in the form of AIPPA and POSA, which are the two pieces of legislation. approved in 2002.
At the moment, the future of civil society organizations seems to depend on what the government decides to do with the NGO Bill which has been temporarily shelved pending reconsideration by Parliament in the current sixth session. Considering the current economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe, the liquidation of some NGOs and civil society organizations will have a very negative impact on ordinary people. Through its discussion of the NGO Bill, the chapter sought to establish how the Zimbabwean state responded to what it saw as a new form of imperialism by Western states by introducing prohibitive laws to counter this civil society's perceived threat try to control.
Furthermore, civil society claims that the state does not want him involved in governance matters because he is in charge of abusing his citizens and depriving them of their basic rights. These accusations require research to prove if the state's accusations have any basis or if they are just a way to shift the focus to a scapegoat (civil society) because it cannot provide basic services and democracy to its citizens.
CHAPTER SIX
National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO) Mr Fambai Ngirande (Information Officer)
The state claims that civil society/NGOs are trying to influence regime change in Zimbabwe. Can NGOs and other civil society organizations still play a major role in strengthening democracy and development in Zimbabwe in the current situation. What would you say are the threats to democracy and development in Zimbabwe at the moment, if any.
Is the action of the state justifiable in any way, I mean with regard to the introduction of the new law (NGO bill). How would you describe the fear of the state, is it just rhetoric or is it real. What is your general comment on the future of NGOs as part of civil society working in Zimbabwe.
34;The NGO Bill: Implications of the Government Response to Civil Society" in A long-term analysis of the 2005 parliamentary elections and its implications for democratic processes in Zimbabwe. 34;Making civil society work, promoting democratic development: what can states and Do donors?” World Development. 34;Foreign Aid, Democratization and Civil Society in Africa: A Study of South Africa, Ghana and Uganda” IDS Discussion Paper 368.
Out of sync with SADC standards and a threat to civil society groups". ".Development and Change.
