OUT KENYATTA OF KENYA

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Registered at the G.P.O. as a Newspaper,

Vol. 15. N o . 3. Price: 5 c c n h (6d.)

A P R I L . I 9 6 I

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K V W W W W ^ r t r w v i

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NELSON MANDELA ON THE

a:, PIETERMARITZBURG

J^LL-AFRICAN CONFERENCE

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OUT

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

'The Mantle of Nonquase'

FIVE YEARS OF BANTU EDUCATION

LEWIS NKOSI

on

APARTHEID

K E N Y A T T A

OF K E N Y A

PAGES 8-10.

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F I G H T I N G T A L K

A m o n t h l y j o u r n a l f o r Democrats in Southern A f r i c a .

Y o l . 15. N o . 3.

A P R I L , 1 9 6 1 Published by the

FIGHTING TALK COMMITTEE P.O. Box 1355, Johannesburg

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IN THIS ISSUE

P a g e The P f e t e r m a r i t z b u r g A l l - i n

A f r i c a n Conference:

Full text of the Resolution 2 The Struggle (or a National

Convention, by Nelson Man-

dela _ - - — 3

South A f r i c a ' s B r e a k , w i t h the C o m m o n w e a l t h :

The Mantle of Nonquase. by

L. Bernstein - ~- — <

Apartheid: A Daily Exercise in the Absurd, by Lewis

Nkosi „ ^ ^ ,— — 6

' A T r e e T r u n k is not a Croco- d i l e : I n t e r v i e w w i t h an A n -

g o l a n N a t i o n a l i s t ™ ™ — 1 J o m o K e n y a t t a of K e n y a : A

P r o f i l e b y N o r m a n L e v y — 8

Man and the Elephant; Ken-

yatta's African Fable 10 Bantu Education 1956-1960:

A Survey by Phyllis Ntan-

tala — P a r t I 11

The H i s t o r y of A f r i c a : P a r t I 14

Cinema:

The Misfits In Hollywood — 15

SOUTH AFRICA

Printed by the Pacific Press (Pty.) Ltd..

302, Fox Street. Jeppe. Johannesburg*

P A « T w o

*No Constitution or Form of Government Decided Without the participo' tion of the African people — tufto form an absolute majority of the population — can enjoy moral validity or merit support either within

South Africa or beyond its borders,*

The Full Text of the Resolution of the Pietermaritzburg All-in African

Conference, held on March 26 & 27,1961

A grave s i t u a t i o n c o n f r o n t s the people of South A f r i c a . The N a t i o n - a l i s t Government, a f t e r holding a f r a u d u l e n t r e f e r e n d u m a m o n g o n l y one f i f t h of the population haa de*

cided t o p r o c l a i m a W h i t e Republic on M a y 31, and the a l l - w h i t e Par- l i a m e n t is presently discussing a C o n s t i t u t i o n .

I t is clear t h a t t o the great disadvan- t a g e of t h e m a j o r i t y of o u r people such a Republic w i l l continue even more intensively the policies of racial oppression, political perse*

c u t l o n a n d e x p l o i t a t i o n , a n d the t e r r o r i s a t i o n of the N o n - W h i t e people w h i c h have already earned South A f r i c a t h e righteous condem- nation of the entire w o r l d .

I n t h i s s i t u a t i o n i t is i m p e r a t i v e t h a t all t h e A f r i c a n people of t h i s coun- t r y irrespective of t h e i r political*

religious o r o t h e r a f f i l i a t i o n s should u n i t e t o speak and act w i t h a single voice.

F o r t h i s purpose, we have gathered here at t h i s solemn A L L - I N C O N - F E R E N C E , and on behalf of t h e e n t i r e A f r i c a n nation a n d w i t h a due sense of the historic responsi-

bility w h i c h rests on us, 1 W E O E C L A R E

T h a t no C o n s t i t u t i o n o r f o r m of Government decided w i t h o u t the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the A f r i c a n people w h o f o r m an absolute m a j o r i t y o f t h e population can e n j o y m o r a l v a - l i d i t y o r m e r i t support either w i t h - In South A f r i c a o r beyond i t s borders,

2 . W E D E M A N D

T h a t a N A T I O N A L C O N V E N T I O N of elected representatives of all a d u l t men a n d women on an equal basis Irrespective of race, colour, creed o r other l i m i t a t i o n be called b y t h e Union Government not l a t e r t h a n M a y 31,1961; t h a t the Conven- t i o n shall have sovereign powers t o d e t e r m i n e , i n a n y w a y t h e m a j o r i t y of the representatives decide, a new non-raciaf democratic Consti- t u t i o n f o r South A f r i c a .

3. W E R E S O L V E

T h a t should t h e m i n o r i t y Govern- m e n t i g n o r e t h i s demand of the representatives o f the united w i l l of the A f r i c a n people

a ) W e u n d e r t a k e t o stage c o u n t r y - w i d e demonstrations on the evo of the p r o c l a m a t i o n of the Re-

public in protest against t h i s undemocratic a c t .

b) We call on all A f r i c a n s n o t to co-operate o r collaborate i n a n y w a y w i t h the proposed South A f r i c a n Republic o r a n y o t h e r f o r m of Government w h i c h rests on force t o perpetrate the t y r - anny of a m i n o r i t y ; a n d t o o r g - anise In t o w n a n d c o u n t r y t o

c a r r y out constant a c t i o n * t o oppose oppression and w i n F R E E D O M .

c ) We call on the I n d i a n and C o l - oured c o m m u n i t i e s a n d on all democratic Europeans t o j o i n forces w i t h us In opposition t o a r e g i m e w h i c h is b r i n g i n g d i s - aster t o South A f r i c a a n d t o w i n a Society i n w h i c h all can e n j o y F R E E D O M a n d S E C U R -

I T Y ,

d) W e call on democratic people the w o r l d over t o r e f r a i n f r o m a n y co-operation o r dealings w i t h the South A f r i c a n G o v e r n * m e n t , t o impose economic and o t h e r sanctions a g a i n s t t h i s c o u n t r y a n d t o isolate In tytty

possible w a y the m i n o r i t y Gov- e r n m e n t whose continued dis- r e g a r d of all h u m a n r i g h t s and freedoms c o n s t i t u t e s a t h r e a t t o w o r l d peace.

4 . W E F U R T H E R D E C I D E

T h a t i n order t o Implement the above decisions, Conference

a ) elects a N a t i o n a l A c t i o n Coun- c i l ;

b ) I n s t r u c t s all delegates t o r e t u r n t o t h e i r respective areas a n d f o r m local A c t i o n Committees.

F I G H T I N G T A L K . A P R I L . 1 9 6 1 .

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NELSON MANDELA on the PIETERMARITZBURG CONFERENCE

The Struggle For A National Convention

" I am attending this conference as delegate from my village. I was elect*

ed at a secret meeting held In the bushes far away from our kraals

simply because in our village i t is now a crime for us to hold meetings. I have listened most carefully to speeches made here and they have given me strength and courage. I now realise that we are not alone. But

l am troubled by my experiences during the past weeks, tn the course of our struggle against the system of Bantu Authorities, we heard many fighting speeches delivered by men we trusted most, but when the hour of decision came they did not have the courage of their convictions* They deserted us and we felt lonely and without friends. But I will go away from here refreshed and f u l l of con- fidence. We must w i n In the end."

These words were said a t the All-in African Conference held at Pietermaritz- burg on the 25th and 2fith of last month.

The man who said them came from a country area where the people are wag- ing a consistent struggle against Bantu

Authorities. He wore riding breeches.

a khaki shirt, an old jacket and came to conference bare-footed. But his words held fire and dignity and his remarks, like those of other speakers, indicated that this conference was no talking shop for persons who merely wanted to let off steam, but a solemn gathering which appreciated the grave decisions it was called upon to take.

The theme of conference was African unity and the calling, by the Govern- ment, of a National Convention of elected representatives of all adult men and women, on an equal basis, irrespective of race, colour or creedt with full powers to determine a new democratic constitution for South Africa.

Conference resolved that If the Gov- ernment failed to call this convention by May 31. countrywide demonstrations would be held on the eve of the Repub- lic in protest against this undemocratic act.

The adoption of this part of the resolution did not mean that conference pre- ferred a monarchy to a Republican form of government. Such considerations were unimportant and irrelevant. The point a t Issue, and which was emphasised over and over again by delegates, waa that a minority Government had decided to pro- claim a White Republic under which the living conditions of the African people would continue to deteriorate.

Conference further resolved that, in the event of the Government falling to FIGHTING T A L K , APRIL, 1 9 6 1 .

accede to this demand, all Africans would be called upon not to co-operate with the proposed republic. All sections

of our population would be asked to unite with us in opposing the National- ists.

The resolution went further and call*

ed upon democratic people the yorld over to impose economic and other sanctions against the Government. A Na- tional Action Council was elected to implement the above decisions.

Three other resolutions were passed in which the arrest of members of the Continuation Committee was strongly condemned; and In which Conference called for the lifting of the ban Imposed on the African National Congress and the Fan-Afrlcanist Congress. The system of Bantu Authorities was attached us a measure forcibly imposed by the Government in spite of the unanimous opposition of the entire African nation.

These resolutions were adopted un- animously by more than 1,600 delegates, from town and country, representing WO political, religious, sporting and cultural organisations.

Members of the Liberal Ptfrty, the Jnter-denominational African Ministers'

Federation, the Eastwood Advisory Board, the Zenzele Club, and of scores of other organisations from all <over the

country, spoke with one voice and joint- ly faced the political challenge thrown out by the Nationalist Government.

For 13 hours they earnestly and caUn*

ly considered the grave political situation that has arisen in South Africa a s a result of the disastrous policies of the present regime.

Now and again, discussions were In- terrupted by stirring tunes sung with intense feeling and tremendous enthusi- asm by the entire conference. The fa- vourite song was "Amandhla Ngawe-#

thu" composed by the freedom fighters of Port Elizabeth during the recent bus boycott in that city.

The gathering was a moving demonstration of comradeship and solidarity and was acclaimed by the South African press a s an outstanding success. '

This success becomes even more strik- ing when we consider the confusion afld uncertainty created by the resignation of members of certain political organisations, the arrest of almost all the members of the Continuation Commit- tee, the fear that the Conference might be banned and the way in which the ban was relmposed on the A.N.C. and the P.A.C.

The main resolution showed that delegates visualised much more than a token demonstration on certain speci- fied dates.

Discussion revealed that people con- templated a stubborn and prolonged struggle. Involving masses of the people from town and country, and taking different forms In accordance w i t h local conditions, beginning before May 31 and which would continue unabated until democratic reforms are instituted.

Delegates fully appreciated that the above decisions were not directed against any other population group In the coun-

try. They were aimed a t a form of government based on brute force and condemned the world over as inhuman and dangerous. It was precisely because of this fact that Conference called on the Coloured and Indian people and on all European democrats to join forces with us.

It will Indeed be very tragic if. in the momentous days that lie ahead white South Africa will falter and adopt a course of action which will prevent the successful implementation of the resolutions of conference.

In the past we have been astonished by the reaction of certain political par- ties and "philanthropic1' associations w*ich proclaimed themselves to be anti- apartheid but which, nevertheless, con- sistently opposed positive action taken by the oppressed people to defeat this same policy. Objectively, such an atti- tude can only serve to defend white do- mination and to strengthen the Nation- alist P a r t y . It also serves to weaken the Impact of liberal views amongst Eu-

ropean democrats and lays them open to the charge of being hypocritical.

A l l the democratic force* In this country must join i n m programme of democratic change*. If they are not prepared to come along w i t h us, thay can at least be neutral and leave this Government Isolated and without friends.

Finally, however successful the conference was from the point of view of attendance and the fiery nature of the speeches made, these militant resolutions'will remain useless and Ineffective unless we translate them into practice-

If we form local action committees In our respective1 areas, popularise the decisions through vigorous and systema- t i c house to house campaigns, we will

Inspire and arouse the country t o Imple- ment the resolutions and t o hasten the fall of the Nationalist Govsrnment w i t h -

in our life time.

PAQE THREE

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SOUTH AFRICA

S.A.'s Break with the Commonwealth

"The mantle o f Umlanjeni now descended upon a young girl called Non- quaie, and her uncle Umntakaxa, who began to dream dreams and t o see visions of revenge. In the course of this year, inspired by these t w o national enthusiasts, the leading tribes 'went into training', killing their cattle freely, and squandering their stores of grain, t o eat and make themselves strong against a day in February 1857 — a Great Day of the Lord — when grain was t o spout, cattle were t o spring out of the ground, and warriors to come back from the d e a d ; then, with the help of a 'great hurricane', they were t o sweep the white man into the sea. The Day came and the sun went down as usual; but 'when the chiefs called upon their warriors! t h * y were answered by the wail of a starving people/ this was nearly the end. The Amaxosa * were now a humbled and decimated people,"

W . Hrlvlacmillan. "Bantu, Boer and Briton."

THE MANTLE OF NONQUASE

There has been something sinister and spine-chilling about the atmosphere in South Africa since Dr. Vcrwoerd's re*

turn from London, i t is hard to put a finger on it: outwardly everything has gone on much a s normal — the same in- consequential TwQedledum-Tweedledec

debates in Parliament, the same parrot- wise newspaper editorial about 'national unity*, the same platitudes about the record-breaking achievements of the Rand Easter Show, But beneath the surface, something has changed. Irra- tionality, hysteria and a flight from real-

ity have been a constant undertone in White — and especially Nationalist — South Africa, Now, for the first time since the days of Nonquase, they have come to the top.

Mafeking Night

I n a s&ne country. South Africa's break w i t h the Commonwealth would have been an occasion for sobriety i f not for gloom. Here U had all the crazed

recklessness of Mafeking Night.

The government had precipitated the country into the grtat unknown. Would our export trade survive? Would the springs of mining capital dry up at their source? Could we still count on a few friends o r even a f^w abstainer* In the rising hostility of the world forum at Lake Success? An* we stripped of our defence treaties? Have we seen the last of our cricket and rugby Interna- tionals?

No one knew; no one cared. The prophet was coming home! This was all that was important* white South Africa prepared to meet him like a modem Cae- sar — a triumph with massed brass bands, an Imperial salute of twenty-one guns, an air-borne escort and a rejoic- ing mob. For a Tveek, there was no news fit to broadcast, save the news that "The prophet ta coming! Let the people rejoice!"

Into this mad edifice, Dr. Verwoerd fitted like a cornerstone. He had gone on a mission to keep South Africa in*

the Commonwealth; he had failed. He

P A G E F O U R

had spent untold hours trying to H<?U

apartheid a s the epitome of Justice and liberty in South African conditions; he had failed. A crowd of fifty-thousand hysterical, vierkleur-waving citizen*, as- sembled from all over the country by the efforts of the entire Nationalist Party machine and the S.A.B.C.. cheered his 'victory/

Fresh from the most disastrous diplo- matic essay in South African history, the prophet stepped off the plane to pro- claim his own " t r i u m p h l " T h e mob cheered. He foretold the collapse of the Commonwealth, now that he was bo longer w i t h It. ' T h e mob cheered,

I s a n i t y S p r e a d s

The atmosphere of insanity and hysteria spread. The S.A.B.C. described this most carefully prepared and organised assembly to be "spontaneous." In Cape Town, students of Stellenboseh University paraded with placards: 'Ver- woerd is our leader* We follow where he leads!* In Johannesburg. Pretoria University students joined a Black Sash .protest procession, with slogans like

•Support. Black Sash for a Black Coun- t r y /

In Parliament, an Opposition attempt to discuss the break with the Common- wealth as a matter of urgency was quiet- ly quashed by the Speaker; the only ur- gent matter, it seemed, was to hear the prepared speech of the prophet, three days later. •

I f u n i t y survived anywhere amongst White South Africans, it was difficult to note amidst the irrational ravings.

The Administrator df the Transvaal.

Mr. F. H. Odcndaal, set the new Na- tionalist Party line In education; since South Africa had been forced out of the Commonwealth, it wa* important, he said, that university teachings ". . . . should be tested against their practical application In a multi-racial country, and those that threatened the survival of the white race should be discarded,"

In religion, the Nederdultsch Her- vormde Kerk branded opposition to

church apartheid a s hereby, and followed the prophet into the wilderness of In- ternational isolation by breaking with the World Council of Churches, ,which some described — the worst possible swearwords in the bigoted clerical vo- cabulary — as 'the spiritual wing of U.N.\ and others as the spokesmen of 'the so-called oppressed Afro-Asian na- tions.'

The Federal Council of the Nedcr- dultse Gereformeerde Kerk declared

"emphatically that the policy of differ- entiation is based on the Scriptures11, and added, somewhat contradictorily, that Is "the only realistic solution of

race relations in our country." To this, it added its special piece of irrationality: "This Conference wishes . . . to pro- fess its belief in the . , . unity of the

faithful, with the firm conviction, however, that integration in the Church in our country is not a demonstration of this, but will rather harm than promote this unity.".

It too followed the prophet into isolation; the Federal Council has recom- mended that its Cape and Transvaal sy- nods withdraw from the World Council of Churches.

P o w e r - D r u n k .

The rhadness seemed contagious* Na- tionalist fellow-traveller Daan Bills, secretary of the Mine Workers1 Union, refused a Rt.000 challenge to hold a min- ers* meeting on the war West Band.

"If they really want me there" he said,

"they must increase their challenge to R4.000. A lion does not accept a challenge from a mouse.'*

On the Johannesburg City Hall steps.

after a Black Sash .meeting, gangs of White youths attacked Africans — pre- sumably as a demonstration of support for the prophet.

For two days — the days of the Sharpeville anniversary, meetings throughout the country were banned without proclamation or public an- nouncement; only a single Nationalist newspaper received the notice before the

FIGHTING T A L K . APRIL. 1961.

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SOUTH AFRICA

ban became effective; Mr, Erasmus blandly told Parliament that "The legal requirements In connection with publication were compiled with/'

In Parliament, Dr. Diedrfchs, Minister of Economic Affairs, announced that ex- porters suffering loss as a result of the break with the Commonwealth would be compensated. For how long? At what cost? Nobody knew. Nobody cared.

Nationalism was having its Mafeklng Night, drunk with its own tfelf-import- ance and Its own power;

Reckless; uncontrolled; secure in the shadow of the great prophet, whose last statement as he left London ip defeat was typically arrogant, typically certain of the divinity of his role. "Our opponents who wanted us out of the Common- wealth have won their wish, but lost their cause. . . The present government will still remain in power, with me a s Prime Minister."

Only in South Africa was there ap- plause, cheers from the claque. Even the Opposition took up the mood of the moment. Withdrawal from the Com- monwealth, it was said endlessly, was 'the only honourable path", the 'course of honour/

The same has been said of the club- man who resign* when caught cheat- ing a t cards; of the gentleman officer who welshes on his debts, and shoots himself.

In the atmosphere of hysteria, no one seemed to notice that it had never before been said of a Prime Minister; that It had never been said of anyone except a( petty cheat or a minor unconvicted criminal. No one cared. White South Africa was too busy "dreaming dreams and seeing visions of revenge".

V i s i o n s o f V e r w o e r d

Dr. Verwoerd saw the clearest visions.

He foresaw the 'eventual disintegration of the Commonwealth itself; he dream-

ed the dream of the disappearance of the White man from Kenya and of the collapse of the Central African Federa- tion — not a s the working out of history, and the rise of the African to re- claim his own. but as an apocalyptic stroke of judgement against those who had gainsaid Verwoerd, the prophet. He dreamed the dream of the great hurricane that would sweep his opponents Into the sea. He saw the vision of T h e Day*: "Our flag flics proudly and freely at the masthead, and under It there will be justice for all." 'The Day' when the Non-White South Africans would consider the government to be the guardian of their rights: 'Let them therefore not look elsewhere for guidance and security."

This, as the story has it. was nearly the end.

But not quite, T*e end was Sir de Villiera Oraaff, He too dreamed dreams,

" I can see a central government In the future which has, perhaps. (!) conceded certain tights to the Block areas

I can see a federation in which the vari- ous groups can live together In harmony . • . and show that it is possible

F I G H T I N G T A L K , A P R I L , 1 9 6 1 .

for people of different races to live together in peace within the structure of one state."

Was this the note of sanity which the country so badly needed, the first glimmer that somewhere In White South Africa there were men who understood that the days of Verwoerdism are nearly a t an end? Read further.

"To achieve these things there would have to be a great measure of co-operation between the two European sections . . . I appeal to the more reasonable supporters of the Nationalist Party to come together to find a common policy."

Visions. l i k e the cattle springing from the ground, and the warriors coming back from the dead. If ever there were 'more reasonable' Nationalists, they are gone, drowned out in the hysterical frenzy of the worship of the prophet.

Co-operation between the two White sections is now only possible on the terms set by the prophet — on the terms rejected by the Commonwealth Premi- ers: White supremacy, black suppres- sion; isolation f r o m the world external- ly, civil strife and civil war Internally.

A momedtary glimmer of sanity in this atmosphere of lunacy came from Dr. A. J, van der Merwe, chairman of the Federal Council of the Nederduita Gereformeerde Kerk, "The truth is that tAfrtkanership actually has no moral

value which — and I say It with all re- verence —» places Ood under any obligation towards our people/'

That such things need be said — and to the Federal Council of one of the church pillars of the state — is the mea- syre of the lunacy that is abroad ih South Africa. The glimmer was rapidly extinguished by the rest of his speech:

"World opinion . . . could justifiably be said to be saturated with an almost pa- thological partiality for the Black man in Africa," ". . . Tlte over-hasty and unavailing granting of self-determina-

tion rights to the Congo and possibly other Black states, will stand convicted

In the Judgement of the, future as one of the greatest stupidities'— if not crimes

—ever commlted against humanity . . / ' Nevertheless, in the atmosphere of hysteria, there was a sentence, a single sentence of heresy, 'God is not under any obligation to our people/ If not heresy to the Scriptures, then certainly heresy to the prevailing atmosphere In White South Africa-

Thtn is a stink of Nuremburg about South Africa, wrote a German corres- pondent a t the time of Verwoerd's re- turn.

haps better than any people anywhere, they understood what had happened.

One of the East props had been kicked Out from under the South African re- gime. I t s final collapse is t h a t much easier, t h a t much more certain.

There had been a spectre a t the Pre- mier's Conference; it was with this spectre that Verwoerd fought, for the allegiance of the Commonwealth's premiers. The spectre was the South Afri- can United Front, Messrs. Oliver Tambo and Yusuf M. Dadoo. the spokesmen of South Africa's Non-White majority abroad. The Premiers stood with the

United Front against Verwoerd. Per- haps they understood that the day is not far away when the chair will be filled not by Verwoerd but by hfs real opposition, men of the United Front. If the thought did not cross their minds as they kicked a prop away from under his chair. It was never far from the minds of Non-White South Africans.

For t h e m , a victory of substance had'' been scored. They have gone on from there, calmly, confidently t o kick a w a y the next prop, and t o challenge the whole foundations of the Verwoerd Re- public which Is to be inaugurated In May. To this end, the All-African Con- ference in Maritzburg was a first step;

the resolution taken there for massive action against the government another.

Here — only here — has there been con- fidence In the future, sobriety, consider- ation. For t h e i r * Is the future, and they

know I t now more clearly than before.

On the aide of White South' Africa, there is panic, and a presentiment of doom. But reality cannot be faced now any more than it could yesterday, when already all the writing was on the wall.

They are expending themselves In an orgy of irrationality, of hysterical cast- ing about for divine intervention. In the midst of the panic, only one man pretends to know exactly where he la going, exactly what he is doing, and exactly how it will end.

Hendrlk Verwoerd, with the mantle of Nonquase sitting uneasily on his shoulders, leading a people forth to their own self-destruction In answer to the dreams and the visions he sees, and the voices which he hears.

History, as Karl Marx pointed out, repeats itself; first as tragedy; then a s farce.

L. BERNSTEIN,

A L a s t P r o p G o e s

Mt is like the eve of coup d'etat' said another commentator. They were both

right; and yet both wrong.

^ h l t e South Africa doea not live in a vacuum; it lives — outnumbered five to one — in a Non-White country.

The Non-White majority was neither shaken by Verwoerd's withdrawal under pressure, nor impressed by the hysteria and irrationality of his followers. Per-

B R I G H T E R C L E A N E R S

2 2 9 . 2 n d A V E N U E W Y N B E R G (opp. P U T C O ) Also at 15th A V E N U E A L E X A N D R A T O W N S H I P

PACK Five

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SOUTH AFRICA

\

I

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Apartheid: A Daily Exercise in the Absurd

For a black man to live In South Africa In the second half of the twen- tieth century and at the same time

preserve his sanity, requires an enor- mous sense of humour and a surrealistic kind of brutal wit. for without a suicidal attack on Dr. Verwoerd's armed forces, these qualities seem to provide the only means of defence against a spiritual chaos and confu-

sion which would rob any man of his mental health.

No newspaper report about a shoot- ing In Sharpeville could ever convey significantly the deep sense of en- trapment that the black people ex- perience under apartheid rule. It is difficult to Imagine a mode of expres- sion that would adequately describe thjs sense of malaise. At best an account of what a black man goes through in his daily life sounds like an exaggerated Kafka novel.

I say this advisedly because the total effect of the apartheid laws in South Africa is to make It almost illegal to live.

Before you are through reading about what the black is not allowed to do you begin to wonder if there Is anything he la permitted to do- That the blacks have been able to endure under apartheid is a measure of human ingenuity almost difficult to describe or understand. It seems that the blacks do have the required humour and wit — almost too much of It! / •

Sitting down to write this, I have been considering the millions of words that have been written on South Af- rica, You woutd think that the South African government should have been written to death by now. It has not been. So I am wondering If this Is worth it: how does one begin to write

about apartheid in a way that would be meaningful to people who have not experienced it? I don't know.

So instead of writing a political essay I thought I would simply set down some of the experiences that I and my contemporaries have been through

in South Africa. I don't think there is any need to strive for effect; the situation is surrealistic enough a s it Is.

One Saturday afternoon, after fil- ing my last story for my paper. I and two friends decided to drive to Pre- toria, the administrative capital of

South Africa which lies some miles north of Johannesburg. We were

visiting a German couple whom wc know. Our European friends had re- cently arrived in the country and were refusing to conform to social apartheid.

We left Johannesburg a t two and arrived In Pretoria shortly after three.

We stayed until 9 o'clock in the even- ing, then decided it was time to drive

by

LEWIS NKOSI

now in America

back to Johannesburg. No African Is allowed out in the streets after eleven o'clock in South Africa. It's curfew hour. On our way out of the apartment a white policeman and two black ones were lying in wait for us. Not knowing what the matter was but being accustomed to the va- garies of the South African police wc offered little protest when we were hustled to a ramshackle of a police station around the corner.

In the charge office the air was foul with swearing and hatred as prisoners poured in. A burly police man with a thick neck demanded to see our 'passes.' All Africans are required by law to carry documents bear- ing witness that they do live and work somewhere; these prove that they have paid the annual tax, and also show the monthly signature of the employer. The police officer flipped through our books and find- ing nothing amiss seemed a bit irri- tated.

Presently he grabbed a telephone and called up a prosecutor whom he briefly informed that he had arrested some Johannesburg *kaf firs' In a.

building where blacks were excluded.

"What can I charge them w i t h ? " ho casually enquired. My first reaction was to giggle. Even Kafka couldn't have bettered that one. This con- versation continued for a while, and our host kept nodding his head; then, suddenly, he slammed down the re- ceiver and equlred dramatically: "All

right, where are your permits to enter the city of Pretoria?"

The whole thing was no longer funny. Wc tried as best we could to explain that the law required Afri- cans to obtain permits only if they

intended to remain away from home for more than three days. Our host

became agitated and denied we had been in Pretoria for more than three days. All explanations proved futile.

The indictment was written out and we subsequently appeared before a local Native Commissioner on charges of remaining in Pretoria for more than three days without a permit*

At my own trial I brought a staff colleague to testify that he had seen me in the newspaper office on the morning of the day on which we were arrested, and that I couldn't have been in Pretoria for more thaji three days* The Commissioner listened pa- tiently to the story and then found me guilty anyway and fined me. The man who had driven me to Preoria In his car appeared before a different

Commissioner who decided we were not in Pretoria for more than three days and so my friend was found not guilty. In South Africa 'to be or not to be In Pretoria' is the sort of question that can drive a man to insanity unless, of course, he has a sense of humour.

What Intrigued me most about the Incident was that in South Africa any overzealoos policeman can arrest an African and take him down to the station house without the vaguest idea what charges to prefer against him. If he is diligent enough he can later find something with which to charge him. There arc a hundred and one laws in the country controll-

ing the lives of black people, and a t any particular time there is a fat chance that one of them is being

broken.

In Johannesburg alone hundreds of Africans are rounded up every year for committing minor offences like the failure to produce a "pass" on demand by an accredited officer of the law. If you leave your passbook In your jacket In the office and cross a street to buy a cold drink you run the risk of being shanghaied to jail without any means of communicat- ing with those outside. The result may be imprisonment for a period of up to six months.

In South Africa prisoners provide an inexahustible supply of cheap labour for white farmers. They come to Johannesburg for truckloads almost every week. There is no immediate threat that the jails may be so overcrowded that they wouldn't know what to do with prisoners.

In these farms the treatment Is often so brutal that deaths have re-

sulted from severe beatings. Slave conditions of a medieval nature large-

ly prevail.

One could go on. of course, re*

counting the morbid aspects of apart- held, but it all sounds so hopelessly

melodramatic that the total effect is to undermine people's credulity.

Sometimes, people wonder after read*

ing about these conditions how the Africans arc able to survive a t all.

One Englishman who attended a first night of a Johannesburg opera was surprised to find well-dressed Africans who looked reasonably hap-

py, mingling with the white audience.

From that he concluded that the stories he had read about South Africa were grossly exaggerated.

To my own mind that was the highest tribute anybody could pay to the indestructibility of the human spi- rit, the ability to absorb hurt and injury and still maintain a semblance of human dignity.

For us in South Africa, the lines (Continued on page 16)

\N\XNX\\N\N\NNXN%\\\\^^

PACE: S I X FIGHTING T A L K . APRIL. 1961

(7)

AFRICA

« v > ^{r v w v}

'A Tree Trunk is Not a Crocodile'

Interview with an Angolan Nationalist

(with acknoweldgcmcnts to 'Africa Weekly'>

This i n t e r v i e w I t w i t h A L V A R O H O L O E N R O B E R T O , born In the t o w n of San Salvador In the nor-

t h e r n p r o v i n c e of A n g o l a .

Roberto received his secondary school education i n t h e Congo and he w o r k e d In the finance d e p a r t - m e n t of the Belgian a d m i n i s t r a t i o n In Leopoldvllle, then S t a n l e y v i l l e ,

then B u k a v u .

Q; What made you enter politics?

A: I had to make four trips into Angola, and I noticed the differ*

enc< between the living: conditions In the Congo and in Angola. I re- alised that this injustice should not exist, and that I must work to ameliorate this state of affairs In my country.

Q: If hat action did you take?

A: First of all I travelled to all parts of Angola* I saw priva- tion, forced labour. When I was living in Angola before, I was

young and had no basis for com- parison. After the second world war, conditions In the Congo began to change, but Angola remained in the same stagnation a s before.

This stagnation struck me very forcibly. I could not see this injustice continue.

Q: To what political party do you belong?

A: Our movement was founded in 1954. We were a group of seven persons who began it. We are all still alive and in action. For security reasons I will not mention their names because some of them are living inside Angola. Our movement is called the Union of Populations of Angola — U.P.A.

We called it the Union of Popula- tions to show that It was not a trt- bal movement, but that It was founded on a naional scale. All the persons involved in its founda- tion came from different ethnic groups.

Q: if hen did the Portuguese team of its existence?

A: They knew erf i t straight away, but tried not to show their emo- tions. In 1956 they arrested sever*

al militants — who are still In exile today. Our movement was the first nationalist movement In An- gola. Our aim is — Independence.

In my language they call it "Kim- pwanza". We a r c completely opposed to Integration with Portugal.

The people of Angola and the people of Portugal are two completely different peoples — ethnically, lin- guistically, culturally, historically.

Consequently to wish to consider the two peoples a s one is. a s they say In a proverb in my language.

to call a tree trunk a crocodile. Re- lations between Angola and Portu- gal inust be those between independent sovereign states.

Q: When did you leave Angola and the Congo?

A: In 1958. I left on September 12 in order to make our case known on the international level. I think that i can say without exaggera- tion that this aim has been real- ised. When I left I travelled through the Cameroons and Niger- ia, to Accra, wherte I participated in the First Ail African Peoples*

Conference. Then I travelled to the United States, where a t the 14th U.N. General Assembly I est- ablished contact with the Afro- Aslaa states. My visit was then, however, clandestine, a s If it had been public reprisals might have been taken against my family.

<?-* If hat did you do after the 14th session?

A: I travelled to Tunis to attend the Second All African Peoples' Conference, where I was elected to the steering Committee, which meets twice a year to consider Af- rican questions. Then I travelled to Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Niger- ia, Togo — not to speak of Eng- land, France, Switzerland, and Italy — before going to Ethiopia as a petitioner to the Second Con- ference of Independent African States.

Q: If hat progress has been made this year?

A: I would simply like to say that the work which was begun here in 1909 has born fruit. This year, in contrast to last year, many voices were raised about the Por- tuguese colonies. Take the Afri- can states ,for example. This year all African voices without a single exception were raised on this ques- t l o n ^ t h a t is to say. all 24 African s t a t e s They all spoke in the Fourth Committee to make common cause with the Asian Woe. To these powerful voices ware added those of Latin America. In the light of all the information that was given to them concerning the Portuguese ' colonies* certain European cpun-

trles who formerly showed solidar-

ity with Portugal were confronted with a question of conscience.

Therefore they could not avoid vot- ing against Portugal, and Portugal found herself more than ever isolated.

Q; If here it the lieadquarters of the UJ>AJ

A: It Is in Leopoldvllle. That Is because of the tack of liberty In Angola. But as soon as it becomes possible we shall transfer our of- fices to Angola. I may add that we have & publication "The Voice of t h e Angolan Nation" which h a s a monthly circulation of 20,000 copies.

Q; What books, or ided$t have formed you intellectually?

A: I have read a good many books

—Including, for example. Nkru- mah, Azlkiwe. Nehru, and other leading writers of our times. X

p might also say that I was also most Impressed by a manuscript that was written by my grandfather.

T*c story is this: when the Protes- tant missionaries first came to An- gola, he was one of the first people with whom they were in contact.

He co-operated closely with them, and helped them with the transla- tion of the Bible. He also played a leading part in combating witch- craft and domestic slavery — perhaps because he was once sold as a slave himself. He personally wrote a manuscript against the slavery practised by the Portuguese, and he wanted the missionaries to pub- lish it. But they were afraid to do so lest it compromise their position in the country. J possess this manuscript. He was imprisoned for nationalist activities for a year.

He was chained during that time with his hands and his feet tightly bound together, and was forced to eat a s best he could. Nor could he see the light of day, as they were locked In a house. That was from 1914 to 1916. In reading his manuscript I have been most Impressed by the tenacity with which he carried on his fight for his ideas,

Q: What is the membership of

the UJPA3

A: Membership Is already over the 40,000 mark, and day by day our numbers Increase. I am taking into account, of course, those Angolans who are now living in the Congo. The U.P.A. Is a t the mo*

ment the principal nationalist party, and the best organised.

:

w ^ u ^UMMU **VW^

F I G H T I N G T A L K . A P R I L . 1 9 6 1 . PAQE SEVEN

(8)

AFRICA

J O N O K E N Y A T T A OF K E N Y A

PROFILE by

NORMAN LEVY

F o r n e a r l y f o u r decades Jomo Ken- y a t a h a t conquered Kenya a t surely as his enemies have t r i e d t o destroy h i m . Banished, j a i l e d , Isolated, o u t l a w e d f r o m K e n y a n p o l i t i c a l l i f e , he continues t o t o w e r o v e r the Kenya scene. As l o n g as K e n y a t t a is Incarcerated o r Exiled

his people cannot feel — o r be — g e n u - inely f r e e .

K e n y a t t a is the one man w i t h the power and t h e prestige t o lead the new K e n y a ; t o b r i d g e the difference between t h e p a r t i e s ; recognised b y a l l sides as t h e one m a n t o t a k e K e n y a o u t of i t s present Impasse.

Y e t h e r e m a i n s in exile, banned from t a k i n g a n y p a r t in K e n y a ' s r e c e n t elections for t h e n e w Legislative Council

under t h e new constitution which will for t h e first time give the Africans po -

UUea] control of t h e Legislative Coun- cil a s well a s of. t h e Council of Minis- t e r s ,

K A N U a n d KADU ( t h e Kenya Afri- can National Union led b y T o m Mboya a n d J ^ m c s Gichuru a n d t h e Kenya Af-

rican Democratic Union led by Ronald N g a l a ) have their differences, too l a r g e - ly personal — but on the issue of the release a n d leadership of J o m o Kenyat-

t a they speak with one voice.

Both K A N U . victorious in the L a n - c a s t e r House constitution elections, a n d K A D U with whom it m u s t s h a r e t h e

prospect of combining to operate the African majority In the legislature, h a v e s a i d t h e y will not w o r k the Constitution until K e n y a t t a Is released. So far both g r o u p s continue to honour the pledge, a n d t o d e m a n d close consultation with J o m o K e n y a t t a , n o w transferred from f a r a w a y in the desert prison of L o k i t a -

ung to within a few hundred miles of Nairobi.

B o t h K A N U a n d K A D U live and f u n c - t i o n i n the shadow of K e n y a t t a . Essen- t i a l f o r u n i t y is the Immediate release of K e n y a t t a . The new c o n s t i t u t i o n and t h e new government w i l l be a m o c k e r y w i t h o u t h i m .

Still the Governor refuses to release K e n y a t t a from exile. His May i960 s t a t e m e n t said: ' I have n o evidence t h a t J o m o K e n y a t t a will help Kenya . * . I h a v e m u c h evidence to the c o n t r a r y . I have very carefully studied his lift* a n d modes of t h o u g h t and speech a n d action.

My concern is security, a n d from t h e s e c u r i t y point of view K e n y a t t a ' s r e - t u r n to political life in K e n y a a t the present t i m e would be a disaster.'

A Disaster?

D i s a s t r o u s for White S e t t l e r r u l e ? A t h r e a t t o the s e c u r i t y of the stolen land

Seen at L o d w a y : Standing in c e n t r e J o m o K e n y a t t a a n d f e l l o w detainee Paul N g e i standing on l e f t , w i t h J e r e m i a h NyaQah of the K e n y a A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l Union and Oginda Odinga of K A D U . T h i s picture was t a k e n w h e n K e n y a t t a ' s

voice was recorded f o r the Cairo Conference.

holdings in the White h i g h l a n d s ? A t h r e a t to the advance of the new Kenya In the sense t h a i the African people, united a n d strong, will set the pace for progress, a n d take the initiative out of the hands of the Colonial Office?

F o r these were the challenges t h a t K e n y a t t a ' s leadership of the African people first t h r e w down, and the period of his leadership brought to a head the bitter t u s s l e over land, votes and r i g h t s t h a t culminated in s a v a g e official s u p - pression of the African political movement and then suddenly, the Mau Mau episode.

W h o is this Kenyatta?

In 1952 a t the time of his trial for m a n a g i n g the Mau Mau K e n y a t t a gave h i s a g e a s a b o u t fifty.

A s a boy he passed through the sieve of Kikuyu folk lore. His g r a n d f a t h e r w a s a s e e r a n d a magician, a n d in t r a - velling about w i t h him and c a r r y i n g his b a g of equipment K e n y a t t a s a y s he served a kind of apprenticeship in the prin- ciples of the a r t . He participated a s a n E l d e r in the Councils of his people; a s a member of the w a r r i o r class, learnt Kikuyu m e t h o d s of w a r e f a r e ; a s general s e c r e t a r y of t h e Kikuyu Central Asso*

elation he s t a r t e d and edited the first Kikuyu Journal 'Muigwithania' In 1928- 1930,

H i s knowledge of Kikuyu life he l a t e r disciplined, a s a student a t the London School of economics, into his a n t h r o p o - logical s t u d y ' L I F E O N MOUNT K E N -

Y A / H e never l o s t his deep roots among his people, his respect for tribal tradition; a n d he g e n e r a t e d a national- Ism dedicated " t o the dispossessed y o u t h of Africa: for perpetuation of commun- ion with a n c e s t r a l s p i r i t s t h r o u g h the fight for African freedom."

T h e land question dominated Kenyat- t a ' s life a s it h a s done Kenya.

K e n y a t t a ' s c o u n t r y , like the neigh- bouring territories of e a s t e r n , c e n t r a l a n d s o u t h e r n Africa, a n d unlike the countries of the West coast of Africa, i s dominated by White s e t t l e r interests. B y Order-in-Council t h e Kenyan highlands, the traditional l a n d s of t h e Kikuyu. were reserved for W h i t e use.

Over 16.000 s q u a r e miles — 24 per cent of the land, t h e most fertile — a n d the traditional l a n d s of the Kikuyu — w e r e a l i e n a t e d f o r occupation b y t h e

White minority; a n d 50,000 s q u a r e miles of the poorest countryside reserved f o r , the five a n d a half million .Africans.

Before the first World W a r t h e r e w a s no recognised political movement a m o n g Kenyan Africans, T h e i r spokesmen were the chiefs. Angered by t h e robbery of their land, t h e y placed their d e m a n d s before Impotent officials and returned with smooth promises of reform. When t h e y became belligerent they were s a c k - ed a n d replaced b y chiefs w h o were in effect paid s e r v a n t s of the Government.

Aftc* t h e W a r of 1918 the E a s t Afri- can Association w a s formed. T h e new body represented the people's g r i e v a n c e s in an organised constructive w a y . chal- lenging the illegal actions of the offi-

P A G E E I G H T F I G H T I N G T A L K . A P R I L . 1 9 6 1 .

(9)

AFRICA

cials. The settlers became alarmed and tried to enlist the sympathies of the chiefs against the organisation. Thltf only served to spread Its popularity. In desperation, the authorities took offi*

clalt action and arrested the chairman of the Association. Harry Thuky.

This led to the first general strike in the history of Kenya.

Kenyatta was no more than a sympa- thiser — he had not yet seriously entered politics— but wrote of this episode t h a t It seemed that the whole African population had gathered spontaneously outside police headquarters, at Nairobi, to demand the release of their leader.

The people prayed, displayed white flags according to their religious deno- minations. But the strain on the nerves of the police was too strong and suddenly they opened fire. The dead and the wounded lay scattered. Sharpeville fa- shion, around the streets of Nairobi.

Meetings were banned; the chairman and two of his relatives were deported* The authorities declared the East African

Association illegal and paralysed Its leader*. But the idea of the Union had caught on. The Association was driven underground but continued its work of protest and agitation.

A commission was promised to investigate the allocation of land In Kenya.

Thc banning of the East African As- sociation was followed by the formation of the Kikuyu Central Association. Ken- y a t t a was working as a meter reader for the Nairobi Municipality when he presented a Memorandum on behalf of the Association to the Hill ton Young Commission. It demanded that the land be left In the hands of the Kikuyu. For the first time African demands Included proposals for participating In the ad-

ministration. * The report of the Hilton Young Com-

mission was made in 1929* On the strength of its findings the Labour Par- ty Government, newly in office prepared a document stating that "not another inch of ground should be taken from the Africans/'

Two years later prospectors were allowed to dig for gold: the government tore up its pledge and deprived the Ka- virondo of a large slice of their terri- tory.

Kenyatta promptly replied to the Bri- tish Government.

" I t must be stated that in view of the incidents of the past not much trust can be placed upon solemn pledges and sac- red undertakings on the part of the Bri- tish Government The principle of the declared trusteeship of the Natives Is a mockery."

The KCA asked Kenyatta to repre- sent it in England and he appeared before the Joint Committee on the closer

Union of East Africa In 1931-32; gave evidence in London before the Morris Carter Kenya Land Commission.

"Kenya can be described as a land of Royal Commissions/' he wrote In his booklet Kenya, Land of Conflict, "Each of them came out w i t h high intentions and Itaued a report expreislng lofty sen-

timents and yet after each one, more African land has been annexed/1

In 1931 Ketoyatta went to Britain again and remained abroad for i s years;

as a student and anthropologist; as a political worker and student of Marx*

ism. to appear a t international confer- ences of workers and in movements against the growth of Fascism.

By the time he returned to his home country he and the Kikuyu Association between them had won the right to est- ablish Independent schools for the education of the Kikuyu. There were 300 schools absorbing 60,000 children and Kenyatta himself became the principal of an independent teachers' training col-

lege. But he also found that the KCA had been proscribed.

Kenyatta entered negotiations with the Governor but failed to revive the organisation.

A year later he became the president of a new body, the Kenya African Union

— K A U — which attracted over 100,000 members In a short time.

An orator, elder, educationist and po- litician, he attracted audiences of 30,000 and 60,000 strong to his meetings. For one meeting forty coach loads set out from Nairobi to hear him.

This was part of the rapid advance of political movements after the war, but a s fast a s the Kenya African Union and the E^ast African Trade Union Con- gress grew, the more stringent govern-

ment repression became.

Kenya was rapidly approaching a

^statc of deadlock.

Then came the banning of the Kenya African Union and African trade unions;

the arrest and proscription of leaders;

the total ban on all the Kikuyu Indepen- dent schools.

All Kenyan Africans were now denied the right of lawful political organisation;

and sporadic terrorist acts broke out in parts of the country.

Followed the state of emergency and the big swoops on the towns, the mass detentions of 50.000 Kikuyu* A miniature civil war opened.

Isolated acts of terrorism grew into a state of semi-rebellton in the mainly Kikuyu areas, with army raiding par- ties combing jungles and townships for tribesmen suspected of 'Mau Mau sympathies/

The Mau Mau terrorists are said according to the official record* of this

little war to have claimed the lives of 84 Whites and 1,500 Africans. But the army claimed the lives of over 10.000 Africans and ruthless counter-measures resulted in the arrest of a s many a s 35,000 people In one day, the displace- ment of whole communities, and the Im- prisonment of huge numbers In concen- tration camps.

On September 17, 1952 Jomo Kenyat- t a and his colleagues of the Kenya A f r i - can Union were charged w i t h managing the Mau Mau movement.

The first hearing lasted 5 months.

Appeals and a petition dragged the pro- ceeding out for another 15 months.

Counsel for the Defence <D. K. Pritt)

charged the prosecution with having no case against the men in the dock.

In August 1952, Kenyatta had joined with other Africans in an antl-Mau Mau meeting. His words were recorded on tape and officially broadcast. His public disclaimer of the Mau Mau and the official broadcast which he made were of no consequence In the trial. Ken- yatta was dangerous and the Kenya Af- rican Union best placed out of the way.

The Defence argued that the Magis- trate accepted every submission, application or motion made by the prosecution . . . and rejected every one made by the Defence. He accepted a s truth- ful every witness called by the prosecution, n o ' m a t t e r what their character or history, however improbable their story, however often they contradicted themselves, or how badly their stories were shaken in cross examination. He rejected a s untruthful every Defence witness.

The Defence said that the prosecution had never really made up its mind what the essence of the charge against the accused was; that the prosecution never really had any faith in its own case;

and that there was bo serious charge against them a t all.

The Magistrate found all the accused guilty, though the Supreme Court later acquitted one of them.

In his final address to the court Ken- yatta stated: "J wish to say that we arc not guilty and we do not accept your findings, and that we do not feel that we have received the justice or hearing which we would have liked . . . We feel that this case has been so arranged as to make scapegoat* of us in order to strangle the Kenya African Union, the only African political organisation which fights for the rights of the African people.

"We wish to say that what we have done in our activities is to try our level best to find ways and means by which the community in thi* country can live In harmony.

"But what we have objected too and shall continue to object to arc the discriminations In th* Government of this country. We shall not accept that, whether wc arc in gao) 0r out of it. We look forward to the day when peace shall come to this land and that the truth shall be known that we a s Africans have stood for peace . . . We feel strongly that a t this time, the Government should try to strangle the only organisation the KAU In which we leaders have been working for the betterment of the Afri- can people and are seeking harmonious relations between the races."

The t r i a l and the state of emergency had succeeded. K A U had been damned by the shadow of the Mau Mau move-

ment.

As in India, and In Ireland years before, a nationalist movement pursuing its policies openly and In the full face of the oppressors had been condemned as synonymous with a secret terrorist drive. Sometimes, Montagu Slater wrote wrote in -THE TRIAL OP JOMO KEN-

(Cont. at foot of col. 1, page 10) FIGHTING T A L K . APRIL. 1961

PAGE N I N E

(10)

Jomo Kenyatfa's African Fable

Man and t h e Elephant

Once upon a t i m e an elephant made a f r i e n d s h i p w i t h a m a n . One d a y a h e a v y t h u n d e r s t o r m b r o k e o u t , the elephant w e n t t o hie f r i e n d^t w h o had a l i t t l e hut a t t h e edge o f the f o r e s h t , and said t o h i m : " M y d e a r good m a n , w i l l you

K

lease let me p u t m y t r u n k inside y o u r ut t o keep i t o u t of t h i s t o r r e n t i a l r a i n ? " T h e m a n , seeing w h a t s i t u a t i o n his f r i e n d w a s I n , r e p l i e d : " M y d e a r good elephant, m y h u t is vtry s m a l l , but there is r o o m f o r y o u r t r u n k and m y s e l f . Please p u t y o u r t r u n k In g e n t l y * " T h e elephant t h a n k e d his f r i e n d , s a y i n g :

" Y o u h a v e done me a good deed and one d a y I s h a l l r e t u r n y o u r , kindness." B u t w h a t f o l l o w e d ? A s soon as the elephant p u t his t r u n k inside the h u t , s l o w l y he pushed his head inside, and f i n a l l y f l u n g the m a n o u t i n t o the r a i n , and t h e n l a y d o w n c o m f o r t a b l y inside his f r i e n d ' s h u t , s a y i n g : " M y dear good f r i e n d , y o u r s k i n is harder t h a n m i n e , a n d as t h e r e Is not enough r o o m f o r b o t h of us, y o u c a n a f f o r d t o r e m a i n i n the r a i n w h i l e I

a m p r o t e c t i n g m y delicate s k i n f r o m t h e h a i l s t o r m / '

T h e m a n , seeing w h a t his f r i e n d had done t o h i m , s t a r t e d t o g r u m b l e , t h e a n i - m a l s i n the nearby forest heard t h e noise a n d came t o see w h a t was the m a t - t e r . A l l stood a r o u n d l i s t e n i n g t o t h e heated a r g u m e n t between the m a n and his f r i e n d the elephant. I n t h i s t u r m o i l t h e Hon came a l o n g r o a r i n g , and said i n a loud voice: " D o n ' t you all know t h a t 1 am t h e K i n g of t h e J u n g l e ! H o w dare anyone d i s t u r b t h e peace of m y k i n g - d o m ? " On h e a r i n g t h i s t h e elephant, w h o was one of the h i g h ministers i n the J u n g l e k i n g d o m , replied i n a soothing

voice, and s a i d : " M y L o r d , there Is no d i s t u r b a n c e o f t h e peace i n y o u r k i n g - d o m . I have orily been h a v i n g a l i t t l e discussion w i t h m y f r i e n d here as t o the possession of t h i s l i t t l e h u t w h i c h y o u r lordship sees me o c c u p y i n g . " T h e Hon, w h o w a n t e d t o have "peace a n d t r a n - q u i l i t y " i n his k i n g d o m , replied In a noble voice, s a y i n g : " | c o m m a n d m y m i n i s - ters t o appoint a Commission p f E n q u i r y t o g o t h o r o u g h l y i n t o t h i s m a t t e r and r e p o r t a c c o r d i n g l y . " He then t u r n e d t o t h e m a n a n d s a i d : " Y o u have done well b y establishing f r i e n d s h i p w i t h m y people, especially w i t h t h e elephant w h o is one of m y honourable ministers of s t a t e . Do not g r u m b l e a n y m o r e , y o u r hut Is not lost t o y o u . W a i t u n t i l the s i t t i n g of m y I m p e r i a l Commission, and there you w i l l be g i v e n plenty of o p p o r t u n i t y t o s t a t e y o u r case. I a m sure t h a t you w i l l be v e r y pleased w i t h t h e f i n d i n g s of the C o m m i s s i o n . " T h e m a n was v e r y pleased by these sweet w o r d s f r o m the K i n g of t h e Jungle, and innocently w a i t e d f o r his o p p o r t u n i t y , i n the belief t h a t , na- t u r a l l y , t h e h u t w o u l d be r e t u r n e d t o him.

The elephant, obeying the c o m m a n d of hi* master, got busy w i t h o t h e r m i n i s - ters t o appoint t h e Commission of En- q u i r y . The f o l l o w i n g elders of t h e Jun- gle were appointed t o s i t i n the Commis- sion: { 1 } M r . Rhlnocerous; (2) M r . B u f - f a l o ; (3) M r . A l l i g a t o r ; (4) T h e R t .

Hon. M r . F o x t o act as c h a i r m a n ; a n d (5) M r . Leopard t o act as Secretary t o t h e Commission. On seeing the person- nel, the m a n protested a n d asked if i t was not necessary t o include In t h i s Commission a member f r o m his side. B u t ho was told t h a t it was impossible, since*

no one f r o m his side was w e l l enough educated t o understand the i n t r i c a c y of Jungle law. F u r t h e r , t h a t there was no- t h i n g t o f e a r , f o r t h e members of the Commission w e r e a l l men of repute f o r t h e i r i m p a r t i a l i t y In JUttloe, a n d aa t h e y were gentlemen chosen by God t o look a f t e r t h e Interests of races I n s ade- q u a t e l y endowed w i t h teeth and c l a w s , he m i g h t rest assured t h a t t h e y w o u l d Investigate the m a t t e r w i t h the greatest care and r e p o r t i m p a r t i a l l y .

The Commission sat t o t a k e t h e e v i - dence. T h e R t . H o n . M r . E l e p h a n t w a s f i r s t called. He came along w i t h a su- perior a i r , b r u s h i n g his t u s k s w i t h a s a p l i n g w h i c h M r s . Elephant had pro-

vided, and In a u a u t h o r i t a t i v e voice s a i d : "Gentlemen of t h e Jungle, there i s

no need f o r me t o waste y o u r valuable t i m e In r e l a t i n g a story w h i c h I am sure y o u a l l k n o w . I have a l w a y s regarded

i t as m y d u t y t o protect the Interests o f m y f r i e n d s , and t h i s appears t o have caused t h e misunderstanding between

myself a n d m y f r i e n d here. He Invited m s t o save his h u t f r o m being blown a w a y by a h u r r i c a n e . A s the h u r r i c a n e

had gained access o w i n g t o the unoccu- pied space In the h u t , I considered It necessary, In m y f r i e n d ' s o w n interests, t o t u r n t h e undeveloped spaoe t o a more