There is a political conflict in Zimbabwe between the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the opposition party - Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Due to diplomatic relations between South Africa and Zimbabwe, the South African government decided to contribute to the resolution of Zimbabwe's political conflict.
Background to the study
- From 1960 to 1980: Political relationship between South Africa and Zimbabwe
- From 1980 to 1988: Political relationship between Zimbabwe and South Africa
- From 1989 to 1994: Political relationship between South Africa and Zimbabwe
- From 1994 to 1999: Political relationship between South Africa and Zimbabwe
- From 1999 to 2004: The Use of Quiet Diplomacy
- From 2004 to 2010: South Africa and the Role of SADC
- SADC and Zimbabwe
- Government of National Unity 2009
- Power-sharing in Government
South Africa accepted "quiet diplomacy" as a means of contributing to the resolution of the Zimbabwean political conflict. The South African government and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) played a significant role in the formation of the Zimbabwean coalition government.
Hypothesis
President Jacob Zuma of South Africa has given an optimistic assessment of Zimbabwe's government of national unity, saying he believes the worst of the country's problems are over. The South African government has introduced a policy of quiet diplomacy to help resolve the Zimbabwean political dispute.
Theoretical Framework
Liberalism Theory
The South African government should also advise President Robert Mugabe to step down in favor of the Zimbabwean people as he has been in power since 1980. the resolution of the Zimbabwean political conflict and the formation of the government of national unity (also known as the coalition government) in Zimbabwe.
Objectives of the Study
Research Questions
The data was also analyzed to illustrate South Africa's contribution to the Zimbabwean political disputes.
Research Methodology
Some Zimbabweans said they were not happy with the way the Zimbabwean government treated its own people. Some Zimbabweans said they did not approve of President Mugabe's leadership style and considered him a dictator.
Research Design
Contribution of the Study to the Body of Knowledge
The secondary sources consulted consist of existing documents, books and journals assimilated by the researcher.
Ethical Considerations
- Informed Consent
- Protection from Harm
- Data Analysis Procedure
- Anonymity and Confidentiality
Participant fraud refers to falsifying information and providing false information about participant performance ( source ).
Organisation of the Thesis
LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
Land Distribution Prior To The Fast-Track Land Reform Programme
Land Acquisition Act Of 1992
The Economic Structural Adjustment Program (ESAP) was poorly implemented and had devastating consequences for most black lobbying groups. The Affirmative Action Group and the Zimbabwean Farmers Union (ZFU), which claimed to represent the rural landless, fought for the same constituency as the government and were consequently “politically controlled and financially co-opted”.
Land Resettlement
The compensation assessment principles in the LAA were changed, with compensation only payable for improvements on or to the land. The compensation assessment principles were changed, with compensation only being paid for improvements made on or to the land.
Implications For The Region
These radical changes to both the Constitution and the LAA rendered the land designation process obsolete, having stripped it of the obligation to pay compensation for land acquired; the government was not required to reserve farms for future acquisition. In September 2002, further amendments to the constitution were made to speed up the land acquisition process.
Trade Protocol and Free Trade Area
Part of the funds for the development of the region, infrastructural and otherwise, should come from direct foreign investment. British protests against the land reform process and the collapse of the rule of law in Zimbabwe are seen as veiled attempts to re-establish its imperialism.
The First Phase Land Reform Programme
Particular restraint was shown when it came to contributions to the actual acquisition of the land. This explains why 81% of the land acquired for resettlement in the first phase was in the drier agro-.
Government Complacency
The government could not raise sufficient funds for the purchase of land, especially in view of the severe drought of 1982-84. Post-acquisition support for the resettled farmers also proved to be very expensive for the government.
The Second Phase Land Reform Programme
Zimbabwe Land Reform Program Report: For the A1 model targeting the poor and landless, it was envisaged that 80% of the budget (about US$1.5 billion) would be committed to their support. The remainder (about $387 million) will be channeled toward the A2 model, which is a full-cost recovery model.
New Land Reform Policy 1991 To 1998
The other funds for the A2 model would be sourced from leases, agricultural land tax and from the actual purchase price of those who chose to buy their holdings. With pressure from the thousands of landless Zimbabweans who wanted to be settled and those settled but lacking development and resources, the government convened the Land Reform Donors Conference in Harare in 1998 to present and involve them in their plans for the second phase of land acquisition. treat.
Donor Conference, September 1998
The Act empowered the government to compulsorily purchase land for redistribution, and a fair compensation was to be paid for land acquired. Broken down, the 50,000 square kilometers meant that each year between 1998 and 2003 the government intended to purchase 10,000 square kilometers for redistribution.
Chimurenga War or “Revolutionary Struggle”
Farm Workers
The opposition mostly boycotted the drafting phase of the constitution, claiming that this new version is intended to entrench Mugabe politically. Human rights developments in Zimbabwe in 2012 were dominated by the drafting of a new constitution and the implementation of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), signed in 2008, which created the power-sharing coalition between the former ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union -Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), and the opposition party Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Operation Murambatsvina or Operation Drive Out Rubbish
Little progress has been made in implementing key aspects of the GPA, particularly the need for institutional and legal reforms, ending political violence and ensuring accountability for past human rights abuses.
Conclusion
The following chapter presents, interprets and analyzes the data collected during the research.
PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS
Introduction
Public Order And Security Act 2002 (POSA)
- Aims and objectives of POSA
He noted that "while the GPA is committed to the freedom of association and assembly, POSA on the other hand restricts freedoms by placing unduly wide and sweeping powers in the hands of officers of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP)" (Darnolt and Laakso 2003) : 219). Since its enactment, the state has yet to achieve a single conviction in cases brought under the strict provisions of POSA that demonstrate the police's failure to correctly interpret and apply the law.
The Access To Information And Protection Of Privacy Act 2002 (AIPPA)
- Accreditation of Journalists
Foreign mass media may set up representative offices only with the consent of the Minister. Technical registration requirements for the mass media and/or news agencies are not in fact a violation of the guarantee of freedom of expression.
The Broadcasting Services Act 2008
- Key Problems With The Act
- Control over the Public Media
- Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation Commercialisation Act 2001
After the shock parliamentary elections in June 2000, the government strengthened its control over the public media, both print and electronic. There are many examples of biased reporting by the public media, as well as cases where they routinely repeat government statements and positions.
Harassment of the Media
- Restrictions Of The Media
- Closure of The Daily News
- Journalists Charged For Practising Without Being Accredited
Thousands of copies of these newspapers were destroyed during this period, and war veterans and other pro-government militias "banned" the independent press from certain areas of the country. After the bombing of The Daily News printing presses, in an apparent attempt to deflect criticism, the war veterans association told ZBC that, "Rhodesian elements supporting the MDC and The Daily News were behind the attack".
Conclusion
ANZ registration and High Court request for police to vacate premises and return seized equipment. This brings to 15 the number of United Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ) journalists who have been charged with this offense under AIPPA.
FORMATION OF THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY
Introduction
South Africa’s “Quiet Diplomacy” Towards Zimbabwe
It would be unfortunate, in my opinion, to casually dismiss the concept of independence on the basis of management failure. A worrying feature of the debate on the value of independence is the attempt in some quarters to place collective blame on black people for the failures of ZANU-PF.
How “Quiet Diplomacy” Impacts South Africa’s Democratic Consolidation
Abuses by opposition leaders and their followers have drawn criticism around the world, with one notable exception: South Africa. South Africa's policy towards Zimbabwe needs to be examined in such a way as to determine whether it currently helps or hurts prospects for consolidation in the Republic of South Africa.
Zimbabwe Takes Centre Stage
This reform policy is the component of the Zimbabwean crisis that has become central to South Africa's. Dominance by white ownership of the land in Zimbabwe seems just as enduring in South Africa.
South African Foreign Policy And African Driver Programme
Although this process may take another decade, real discontent with the ANC's policies was beginning to brew. Although no member of the ANC card is willing to abandon the liberation party, there is the possibility of major democratic consolidation if a non-racist alternative emerges that is more inclined to listen to its constituents.
Parliamentary and Presidential Elections In Zimbabwe
- Parliamentary Elections Held On 24-25 June 2000
- Presidential Elections Held March 2002
In addition to the 21 observers recruited in Norway, four from the staff of the Norwegian Embassy in Harare were also part of the Norwegian observation mission. This NORDEM report includes the preliminary statement and the final report from the Norwegian observation mission.
The Electoral Framework and Administration
Observers worked in teams of two; one team in each of the ten provinces in Zimbabwe. The Registrar General receives his instructions from the Directorate of Elections which is also part of the executive structure.
Polling Agents
The General Secretary would not accredit the agents until the party published the names of the agents along with their allocated polling stations, so the MDC made arrangements with The Daily News to publish a special issue the night before election day with the new list. In light of the reprisals against MDC supporters after the elections, it is clear that the lists were used to find and harass people working for the opposition.
Observers
The electoral law requires parties to publish the names and allocated polling stations of their polling agents before they can be accredited by the Registrar General. The MDC published the names of their polling stations as required but did not allocate polling stations as the party had not yet received the final list of polling stations from the Registrar General at that stage.
Postal Voting
The amended law stipulated ten days before election day as the deadline for application, while the Presidential Decree left it to the Secretary General to set a deadline. Postal voting with its limited scope that allows only a small part of the electorate to benefit from the arrangements represents a high risk of compromising both the secrecy of the vote and the integrity of the process.
Voters’ Register
The safeguards against double voting by those who cast a postal vote were not fully in place. The number of voters who received a postal vote was not published before the election, and it is not clear what the deadline was for submitting applications for a postal vote.
Transparency
The net result of this systematic violence and intimidation was that certain areas of the country, especially Mashonaland East and Mashonaland Central, as well as parts of other provinces, were effectively no-go areas for opposition campaigns. Observers have also noted a pattern of harassment and intimidation of certain sectors of the electorate.
The Police
Numerous reports of harassment and mistreatment of MDC officials, members and supporters and their homes have been documented by observers. The application of the Public Order and Security Act has unreasonably restricted freedom of assembly, apparently targeting civil society coalitions, domestic election monitors and some NGOs.
Charges of High Treason Against MDC Leaders
- Voting in Harare and Chitungwiza
- Voting outside of Harare
- The Counting Process
- The Election Results
- Check Of Results Against Observer Reports
The vote in Harare and Chitungwiza should be evaluated differently from the vote in the rest of the country. At seven o'clock in the evening all polling stations were closed, regardless of the queues at that time.
The Post-Election Period
- Harassment of Polling Agents
- Detention of the MDC Secretary-General
In order to increase the transparency of the process, it is essential that the detailed figures for the turnout per polling station are made publicly available together with the figures for the number of rejected voters. A number of other senior MDC members were reportedly in hiding for fear of arrest or violent reprisals from members of the ruling party.
Conclusion
The growth of black and white capital in the country will certainly offer a substantial possibility for growth of the South African economy, locally and regionally, which will undoubtedly create benefits for the population as a whole. The suffering of the Zimbabwean people must be taken into account when assessing the prospects for democracy in the region.
IMPACT AND PROBLEMS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY
Introduction
Tsvangirai was said to have received the most votes in the presidential election, but missed an overall voter majority to avoid a runoff against President Mugabe. As a result, President Mugabe and Tsvangirai had to compete for the presidential role in a second round.
Zimbabwean Political Negotiations
Elections were held in March 2008 and the election date was set by the incumbent president, President Mugabe. These negotiations followed the 2008 presidential election, in which President Mugabe was controversially re-elected, as well as the 2008 parliamentary election, in which the MDC won a majority in the House of Assembly.
Return Of Mbeki And Failure Of Negotiations
Negotiations between the parties officially started on 25 July 2008 and are currently in progress with very few details being released by the negotiating teams in Pretoria as media coverage was barred from the premises where the negotiations took place. The SADC meeting in Harare was unsuccessful, with control of the Home Office remaining the main sticking point.
Mbeki Is Recalled From the South African Presidency
On 25 September 2008, President Mugabe was quoted in The Herald newspaper as saying that the removal of President Mbeki as President of South Africa was "devastating" and "deeply worrying", stating that it was "an act of the South African people" and that as a Zimbabwean he was in no position to judge. President Mbeki's successor, Kgalema Motlantha, said on 2 October 2008 that he wanted President Mbeki to continue to intervene.
Negotiations Came To A Standstill
South Africa said the next day that the renewed talks were going well and that the negotiators were not concerned about meeting the August 4, 2008 deadline.
Deadlock During Negotiations
Negotiations Between Party Leaders
Biti insisted that the MDC had never agreed to the allocation of any ministries and that it was misleading for ZANU-PF to claim that there were only two in contention. Tsvangirai said on 9 October 2008 that negotiations were deadlocked and progress was impossible unless President Mbeki intervened.
ZANU-PF And The Opposition Parties
However, when President Mbeki left, President Mugabe publicly claimed that he never said any of the things he had in fact said the day before. In an interview with the BBC in 2001, President Mbeki admitted that President Mugabe had ignored his quiet diplomatic advice and that he had tried to persuade President Mugabe to reform, but that he "didn't listen to me."
South Africa Has Finished With Its Mediation
President Mugabe's landslide has effectively put an end to facilitation; therefore there is no longer a need for facilitation in Zimbabwe because the election went well” (Zungu, 2003:79). Most African countries have already congratulated President Mugabe on his victory, with Botswana breaking ranks and calling for an independent review of what it described as an unfair election.
South Africa To Inform SADC About Ending Mediation In Zimbabwe
ZANU-PF had already said that President Zuma's mediation was no longer necessary, with party spokesman Rugare Gumbo saying: “We won the election.
SADC Summit
Tsvangirai explained that he wanted to have strong executive powers: as prime minister, he must "chair the cabinet and be responsible for the formulation, implementation and administration of government affairs, including appointing and dismissing its ministers", and stressed that he would not be in it could succeed in the role if he were given "responsibility without authority". President Mugabe would be a head of state with no veto power under Tsvangirai's proposal; he would remain commander-in-chief of the army, but would act in that capacity on the advice of Tsvangirai. ZANU-PF, on the other hand, favored an agreement in which Tsvangirai would become prime minister while President Mugabe would remain in charge of the cabinet.
President Zuma Mediates Power-Share Deal
The MDC said it wants to convince President Zuma that new elections are the only solution to the deadlock. The MDC also said that Tomana's appointment was unilateral and therefore in violation of the political agreement.
The Global Political Agreement
One of the ministries controls elections, and is headed by the Minister of Justice, Patrick Chinamasa. ZANU-PF has consistently stated, at least publicly, that the current status and future of the military is out of the question.
Global Political Agreement (GPA) Was Signed
For the Nordic countries, the challenge is to continue to encourage positive developments in Inclusive Government and push for further dialogue between the EU and the transitional government under the Cotonou Agreement. His current role is to facilitate Zimbabwe's political dialogue and assist in the implementation of the GPA.
Agreement And Memorandum Of Understanding
National Referendum for new Constitution
Land And The Draft Constitution
The government at the time will have a constitutional obligation to ensure that the commission is "capable of carrying out its duties effectively and independently" and that the membership must act fairly and impartially. The Constitution specifically defines the one-farm policy in the following statement: "The State shall not alienate more than one piece of agricultural land to the same person and his dependents," implying that multiple farms in a family are unconstitutional.
Power-Sharing in Government
Talks between ZANU-PF and the MDC resumed in South Africa on 25 November 2009, brokered again by President Mbeki, who described the negotiations as “the same as always, forward and backward, sideways and round. According to Tsvangirai, Mbeki "does not seem to understand how desperate the problem in Zimbabwe is and the solutions he proposes are too small". his guidance.” Two days later, a letter was issued from President Mbeki sharply criticizing Tsvangirai's position.
Final Power-Sharing Deal
However, he maintained that ZANU-PF was still in the "driving seat" and "would not tolerate any nonsense" from the MDC. The parties held talks on the division of portfolios on September 18, but according to Nelson Chamisa, MDC-T spokesperson, no agreement was reached and "the matter was referred to the negotiators". Negotiators met on September 19, 2009, but according to Nelson Nelson Chamisa they did not reach an agreement.
Announcement Of Cabinet
Chamisa said ZANU-PF had a "take, take and take" mentality and wanted to keep all the most important portfolios, while the MDC favored a "give and take situation" in which the most important portfolios would be divided right. In particular, the MPC wanted to control the Finance portfolio, justifying this by pointing to the disastrous state of the economy, but ZANU-PF objected.
The MDC have 16 ministers and ZANU-PF 15 ministers
The 2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations between the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (led by Morgan Tsvangirai), its small splinter group, the Movement for Democratic Change-Mutambara (led by Arthur Mutambara) and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (led by President Robert Mugabe) intended to negotiate an end to party violence and human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and create a framework for a power-sharing government between the two parties. Negotiations between the parties officially began on 25 July in Pretoria, mediated by South African President Thabo Mbeki.
Convening Parliament
ZANU-PF did not field a candidate against Moyo and instead endorsed MDC-M's Paul Themba Nyathi. All three major political party leaders spoke of progress in the talks, and there were foreign media reports of President Mugabe backtracking on his earlier threats to expel the MDC.
New Unilateral Threats And MDC Capitulation
President Mugabe's ministerial appointments to ZANU-PF were subsequently announced; this list was dominated by members of the ZANU-PF old guard. The application of the silent diplomacy indicators revealed the following: President Mbeki has personally met President Mugabe on several occasions.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Conclusion
Tafataona Mahoso, chair of the Media and Information Commission (MIC), said he would have been surprised if the police hadn't taken action, because "The Daily News doesn't exist in terms of the laws of the land.". Only citizens and permanent residents can be accredited and the MIC can refuse to accredit anyone who does not have "the prescribed qualifications" (Article 79).
Journal Articles
Articles (Internet Sources)
Are MDC and ZANU-PF interested in South Africa's contribution to their solution.
