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GENERAL DISCUSSION

Dalam dokumen and Persuasion (Halaman 68-72)

participants’ favorite meats. The affect that is appropriate to the propagandistic pictures is dislike or disgust, but this kind of affect is prevented from occurring by the dominant liking for meat. Similar effects have been reported (Brehm et al., 1999) for responses to gift certificates when the dominant affect is sadness:

Positive affect regarding gift certificates occurred only when the gift certificate was large enough to do away with sadness. It is therefore perfectly plausible that the checks on the manipulations in the present research failed to show differences while the ratings of enjoyment of eating meat did.

not already have, this increase cannot be attributed to reactance. Results from Study 4 suggest that reactance is more likely when a cherished value is directly threatened, i.e., when the deterrent is connected with the issue. We believe that the reason enjoyment of eating beef among beef lovers showed a cubic trend was because participants’ freedom to eat beef was not directly threatened by pictures of chicken slaughter. By contrast, beef and chicken lovers’ enjoyment of eating chicken revealed a trend more indicative of reactance: increased liking of chicken with increasingly vivid pictures of chicken slaughter, until the viv-idness of the slaughter overwhelmed liking. Together, these studies suggest that reactance is likely when a deterrent directly challenges a cherished value.

This research has important implications for the nature of persuasion. Persons wishing to persuade others have typically employed messages from credible sources replete with facts and strong arguments. The implication was that more information was better than less and that strong arguments were more effective than weak arguments (e.g., Eagly & Chaiken, 1993; Petty & Cacioppo, 1986).

The research presented here may prompt a reinterpretation of this reasoning.

Our theory makes the seemingly paradoxical prediction that fewer, weaker ar-guments will be more effective in reducing resistance to persuasion than many stronger arguments. It is argued that the most effective way to reduce an indi-vidual’s affectively based resistance to persuasion is to provide a weak deterrent that does not directly threaten a cherished value. We do not believe that resis-tance to change is indicative of the strength of an attitude (see Wegner, Petty, Smoak, & Fabrigar, this volume). Even strongly held attitudes (evidenced by extreme negativity) may change significantly in the face of a weak endorsement of a counter-attitudinal proposal.

To conclude, extraordinary conflicts such as those between Israelis and Pa-lestinians and Indians and Pakistanis may be ameliorated by less than extraor-dinary means. While we certainly recognize that these conflicts reflect deep historical and religious differences, we believe the principles we have outlined here regarding resistance to persuasion may be applied to a variety of situations in which negative attitudes are intense. If we wish to subdue conflict between nations, a small deterrent that does not directly threaten a cherished value may be effective in reducing the negative attitudes nations hold toward one another.

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4

Resisting Persuasion and Attitude Certainty:

A Meta-Cognitive Analysis

Zakary L. Tormala

Indiana University

Richard E. Petty

The Ohio State University

Imagine a typical political campaign battle in which two candidates are running against each other and hold opposing positions on most major issues. Now imagine that Eddie, an avid opponent of abortion rights, is exposed to a per-suasive appeal from one of the candidates in which the candidate argues in favor of the woman’s right to choose. Because this message is incongruent with Eddie’s attitude, he generates counterarguments against it and thus resists atti-tude change. The present chapter asks whether when Eddie resists the advocacy, his initial attitude against abortion rights might still be impacted in other, subtle ways. Our specific interest is in the possibility that when Eddie resists persua-sion, he might under specifiable conditions become more or less convinced of the validity of his own attitude. In other words, when people resist persuasive attacks, are there any implications for the certainty with which their original attitudes are held?

Over the years, attitude change researchers have been most concerned with mak-ing persuasion successful. Beginnmak-ing with the seminal work on persuasion by Hovland, Janis, and Kelley (1953), considerable attention has been focused on developing models that predict the conditions under which persuasive commu-nications will produce attitude change (see also Greenwald, 1968; McGuire, 1968; Petty, Ostrom, & Brock, 1981). The basic assumption underlying much

of this work has been that if a persuasive message does not change the target attitude in terms of valence or extremity (i.e., the message has been resisted), it has simply failed. Even researchers interested in resistance to persuasion as a topic worthy of study in its own right (e.g., McGuire, 1964) appear to assume that once someone resists a persuasive message, the initial attitude has not been impacted.

In the present chapter, we argue against this view of resistance. We propose that when people resist persuasive attacks, their initial attitudes can change in terms of the certainty with which they are held. We argue that depending on the meta-cognitive inferences people form about their attitudes after a persuasive message is resisted, they can either gain or lose confidence in these attitudes.

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