INDONESIAN
JOURNAL FOR ISLAMIC STUDIES Volume 4, Number 3, 1997•
ISLAM AND INDONESIAN NATIONALISM; THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF HAJI AGUS SALIM
Erni Haryanti Kahfi
K YA/AND JAPANESE MILITARY KobayashiYasuko
INDONESIAN ISLAM BETWEEN PARTICULARITY AND UNIVERSALITY Johan Hendrik Meuleman
STUDIA ISLAMIKA
Indonesian Journal for Islamic Studies Volume 4, Number 3, 1997
EDI rORJAI. BOARD /lanm Sasutron \lmtubu U {!urmsb Sbibah I Azi.: Dabltm M Sat ria Effendi \abl/ab Lubis
.If l'111um rusuf Komaruddin Hidaya/ M Din !J)'amsuddin Muslim ｎ｡Ｎｾｬｬｬ＠ ion \Vabib Jftt'tbi EO! J'OK·I"'·CHlEF.
4...·)'11/IIOrdi A:ra EDITOR\
Sarful Muja11i Hendro ｐｲ｡ｳｬＡｾｬＧｏ＠
juban H Meulf!IIIOII JJidin Syajmddirr Ali Mrmbanif
ａＺＺＮｓｉｓｔａｎｔｾ＠ TO THE EDITOR
Arlef\'ubban Omun Fatburrnbmn11 lletrf \'urotti
ｦｾＨＬｕＡ｜ｈ＠ IA.\Gl:AGE ADVI!IOII
KtO' Bm(l(tr
.\AABIC LANGUAGE ADVISOR
,\urstml(u/
COVER OESIGNER
1 Prmkll
STUDIA ISLAMIKA (ISSN 02 15-(J.ItJ2) is a jCilirnal published quarterly by the /11stltut Agama Islam
·\'pgeri (lAIN. Thr State ln'>tnute for Islamic Studies) Syarif Hidayarullah, Jakartn (S1T DEPPEN
No 12? SKrDlTJ EN PPG,:;nwr6) .tnd ｾｲｯｮｳｯｲ｣､＠ by the D!!parrmem of llcl tgtous AJfairs ol the
Jtepubhc ollndonesta. It specialize) tn Indonesian Islamic studies. ｡ｮ､ｾｾ＠ tmendcd to communt·
cale Ort!(tnal resc:arches and current ｴｳｾｵ･ｾ＠ on the ｾｵ｢ｪ･ＺＺ｣ｬ＠ This,ourn3l ｜｜ Ｇｬ ｲ ｭｬｾﾷ＠ welcomes
u1ntnbution' from scholars nl rtlatcd ､ｴｾＨＱｰｨｮ｣ｳ＠
All .trttdcs publtshed do not ｮ･｣｣ｳｾ｡ｮｬｽ Ｇ＠represent the \'iews of the JOurnal. nr other tnsutuuom 10
wluch itt'- Jftlhatcd Theyare)tJicl> tht Vtc\\'S ott he authors. The: arudcs cuntatned tn tillS JOurnal haw
]ohan Hendrik MeuLeman
Indonesian Islam Between Particularity
and Universality*
Abstraksi: Persoalan apakah dan sejauh mana Islam Indonesia adalah
bagian dari agama dan peradaban universal islam a tau merupakan gejala khas setempatJ telah dijawttb dengan cara yang berbeda oleh berbagai ilmuwan dan politisz. Perdebatan tentang masalah ini pernah muncul pada masa pen jajahan dan terus berlanjut sampat kin i.
Arcikel ini mulai dengan analisis tentang perdebatan tersebut padtt
masa penjajahan. Penulis membat?dmgkan antarapendirian L. W. C van
den Berg dan C. Snouck Hurgronje. Yang pertama mendekati Islam di
Hindia Belanda pada paruh kedua abad XIX melalui berbaga£ mlisan httkum klasik yang berasal dari Timur Tengah. Oleh karena itu, ia memandang Islam N1-tsanrara sebagai bagian integral dari !slam uni7-•ersal. Sememara itu, Snouck HrJ.rgronje menekankan bahwa kehzdupan nyata umat Islam Hindia Belanda jauh berbeda dari aturan
Islam yang "resmi)J; ia memandang bahwa ｫ･ｨｩ､ｴｾｰ｡ｮ＠ mereka justru
ditentukan oleh "adat )J dengan tambahan unsur san gat cerbatas dan fikih
islam. fa tidak menganggap islam Nusantara sebagai bagian dari islam rmh:ersa/J tetapi sebaliknya menekankan kekhususannya. Maka dari itu ia menaruh perhatzan besar pada kenyataan soszal umat Islam di Hindia Beland4 dan mengembangkan paradigma kei/muan babwa teks-ceks lama yang berasal dari Tinwr Tengah tidak mewakili Islam secara sempurna. Di siwlah ter!etak sumbangannya yang besar kepada kajian Islam. Namun, dari sisi lam, ia terpera11gkap dalam kelemahan dan kesalahan
JCt.: Jub m llmdrilt .\{, , frmMl
anrara pandangan Snouck Hurgron1e sebagai ilmuwan dan kebrjakan kolonial.
Selanjuwya, penttlis menjelaskan bahwa berbagai aspek vzsi Snouck Hurgronje masih bertahan dalam kajian ilmiah pada masa lebih belakangan, meskipun pada saat yang sama juga r:elah terjadi berbagai pergeseran metodedan temapenefitian. Kecenderungan umum tetapsama, yaitu mempertentangkan antara Islam Timtfr Tengah dan !slam Nusantara, amara "reoriu dan "praktek,, serta antara «ortodoksi" dan
"heterod.oksi ｾ＠ Ketiga perrentangan "biner"tersebut bukan udak berkaitan
sam a sekali dan sejumlah pene/iti sampai-sampai menyamakan orrodoksi, !slam Timur Tengah atau Arab, danlatau teori di sacu pihak, serra hecerodoksi, !slam Indonesia, dan lataH praktek di lain pihak.
Penulis kemudian menunjukkan bahwa kontroversi tentang kekhususan dan keuniversalan !slam Indonesia. terus be1·lanjut sampai deu,.asa ini. Diskusi tercermin dalam berbagai perdebatan ilmiah,
cerutama menyangkut sejarah Is/am Indonesia. Nam un, kon troversi
tidak terbatas pada diskust yang bercorak ilmiah, melainkan juga menjangkau perdebatan politis. Sebagaimana halnya pada masa penjajahan, diskusi ilmzah dan diskusi politis bukan czdak berkaitan. Penulis mengemukakan babwa faktor penting da!am perdebatan adalah adanya dua kecenderungan yang berlawanan dz kalangan wnat Islam Indonesia de'Wasa ini. Di sattt pihak, terdapat kelompok yang, sebagai reaksi terhadap berbagai tuduhan dari zaman penjajahan dan periode lebih belakangan, cenderung menekankan "kern urn ian" islam indonesia. Kebanyakan kelompok ini mengaitkan penilaian tersebut dengan kenyacaan bah11-'a Islam Indonesia adalah bagian dan islam universal, sehingga sesuai dengannya. Sedangkan sebagian mnat Islam Indonesia yang lain lebih didorong kebanggaan nasional. Mereka cenderung menekankan kekhusttSal1 Islam Indonesia dan memperrenrangkannya dengan islam di Tiumr Tengah.
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T
he question whether- or to what extent- Indonesian Islamis part of a universal religion and civilization or a particular, isolated phenomenon has been answered in different ways by various scholars and politicians. The debate appeared in colonial times, bur has not ceased until the present.
The Colonial Discourse
Let us start our analysis of this controversy with Lodewijk Will em Christiaan van den Berg (1845-1927). Van den Berg was a Dutch spe-cialist of Islamic studies and in this capacity was nominated .. officer for the use of indigenous languages" and "adviser for Eastern Lan-guages and Muhammadan Law" to the Dutch colonial
administra-tion. He wrote a book on the principles of Islamic Law according to
al-Shafi'i and Abu Hanlfah, which was meant as a manual for Dutch civil servants in their work among the Muslim indigenous
popula-tion of the Netherlands Indies.1 In other words, Van den Berg
ap-proached Islam, in the Netherlands Indies and in the second half of the 19th century, through a number of classical texts, originating from the Middle East, and he considered a number of legal rules as the essence of Islam. In this, he was a typical representative of the classical tradition of Islamic studies, which, accordingto Mohammed Arkoun, approaches its object -Islam - through texts) and more
precisely through texts considered classical and "representative" .2 In
the framework of our main theme, one might say that Van den Berg regarded Indonesian Islam as a part of universal Islam, which he un-derstood as classical, Middle Eastern Islam, and tended not ro consid-er any particularity oflndonesian Islam. Van den Bconsid-erg's publication
is no isolated case. The study of classical fiqh handbooks formed part
of the curriculum in the institutions where civil servants of the Dutch
colonial administration were trained .3
However, shortly after Van den Berg published his book, his suc-cessor as colonial adviser, Christiaan Snouck Hurgron je (1857-1936) launched a vehement criticism of Van den Berg's approach. Snouck Hurgronje admitted that classical works of Islamic law remained ref-erences that few Muslims dared to question openly and he called upon his own and other European governments not to neglect the poten-tial influence of the doctrines contained therein concerning matters
as Holy War (jihad) against non-Muslim governments and the
Peninsula and elsewhere - was at great variance with the "official" rules of Islamic Law: their life, he argued, was dominated by adat with a very limited addition offiqh.5 Therefore, he did not consider
Islam in the Indonesian Archipelago as just a part of universal Islam and, on the contrary, precisely emphasized its particularity. He be-came interested in the social reality of the Muslim population of the Indies. For his studies in this field, and because he brought awareness that old texts do not represent Islam in a sufficient way and that the Middle East does not represent Muslim societies in general, Snouck Hurgronje made a great step forwards in Western studies on Islam and contributed to the development of a more accurate image of Is-lam in the West. However, in other regards, he remained caught in the shortcomings of the traditional Western studies of and ideas about Islam. He still considered Islam as, essentially, a set of legal rules. Indeed, he diametrically opposed Islam and adat as two, more or less isolated and often contradictory, sets of fixed legal rules, the first one ideal and rhe second one actual. Another salient feature of Snouck Hurgronje's vision was that he considered Islam -and a:dat for that matter- as something static and fossilized and that, although he paid attention to social context, he was not aware of the existence of any dynamical process caused by the interaction between Islam and its local ｣ｯｮｴ･ｸｴＮｾ＾＠ From the v1ewpoint of our main theme, one might say rhat Snouck Hurgronje emphasized the particularity of social life and legal tradition in the Indonesian Archipelago. However,
precise-) y because of this particularity, he considered the life of the Muslims
in the archipelago uolslamic. For him, Islam was a set of rules and dogmas found in classical, Middle Eastern books and hardly in the later practice of Muslim peoples. For Snouck Hurgronje Islam was universal in the sense that it was fixed and dogmatic, not in the sense that it was omnipresent in the reality of rhe Muslim world. Particu-larity was a main characteristic of this reality, not something existing within Islam.
The political consequences of these conceptions were far-reach-ing. In the firsr place, rhey formed the theoretical foundation of the new principle rhat adar should be the primary reference in legal af-fai rs concerning the indigenous Muslim population and of the
divi-ｾｩｯｮ＠ of the Netherlands Indies into a large number of "adat circles".
This Dutch version of rhe Roman divideet impera principle nor only isolated the Muslim community in the Netherlands Lndies from the Muslim world as a whole by emphasizing irs particularity, but splir
the Muslim community of the colony, for its part, into a large num-ber of smaller groups, each with their own particularities, relating to their respective customary law, hardly bound together by universal Islam. In the second place, these conceptions formed the basis of the idea that the only way tO progress for the Muslim indigenous
popu-lation was the adoption of the Western model of social and cultural life. Cornelis van Vollenhoven (1874-193.3), the great specialist of adat law, also played a prominent role in these theoretical and administra-tive developments. As for the training of Dutch colonial civil ser-vants, as a consequence of these developments) adar law was estab-lished as a separate discipline/
The political dimension of the scholarly conceptions of people like Snouck Hurgronje and Van Vollenhoven becomes still clearer if one places them in the context of the decentralization and intensifi-cation of Dutch administration that took place, at that period, in the Netherlands Indies, in particular in the Outer Districts. The idea of assimilation- whose application remained very limited in actual Dutch colonial policy - and the administrative intensification, for their pan, became cornerstones of the so-called Ethical Policy. Snouck Hur-gronje and Van Vollenhoven were among the most prominent advo-cates of this policy. As such, they belonged to a group of Dutch pol-iticians and intellectuals who took a relatively positive standpoint towards the indigenous population of the colony and their interests.x At the end of the 19th and beginning of t.he 20th century, very few Dutchmen indeed went as far as putting into question their very pres-ence in the colony. The desire to protect colonial power from any imaginary or real Pan-Islamist threat was another political factor which contributed to the developmem of the scholarly conceptions mentioned.
Later Scholarly Developmen ts
If we compare Snouck Hurgronje's views with those of still later scholars on Islam in South-East Asia, we notice the survival of partic-ular shortcomings, in spite of changes in other aspects of their analy-ses. John R. Bowen has shown that Snouck Hurgronje, Richard Win-stedt (1878-1966) in his analysis of Malay culture, and Clifford Geerrz.
in texts) and the practice of life (which in general does not conform
to these rules).9 One may add that all stress the particularity of Islam
in this region.
In addition to the difference berween the Middle East and Indone-sia - or South-East AIndone-sia in general - and between theory and prac-tice, several authors emphasize another contrast: between "ortho-dox" and ''hetero"ortho-dox" Islam. These three binary distinctions are not unrelated and a number of authors even tend to equalize orthodoxy, Middle Eastern - or Arab - Islam and/ or theory, on the one hand, and heterodoxy, Indonesian Islam and practical life, on the other. Geertz. is a prominent example of those scholars who stress the unor-thodox character of Indonesian Islam, more in particular of that
ma-jority of Javanese Muslims whom he labelled abangan.1
;, As we shall
see below, Geertz's controversial analysis is a frequent reference in contemporary discussions on and within Indonesian Islam and even references to Snouck Hurgronje's work are not absent from these debates.
In Geertz's analysis, the equation of Indonesian Islam with
het-erodoxy joins another series of binary oppositions, namely the op-position between a form of Islam that is usually characterized with a set of attributes such as ''scripturalist", ''orthodox", "urban" and "of-ficial" and a second form of Islam, which is described with adjectives
like "oral", "heterodox", "rural", "popular" and often also Ｇｾ ｭｹｳｴｩﾭ
cal" . In this context the attribute "scripturalist" refers to those
per-sons who make frequent reference to scriptures. In the case of Islam these are the Koran, Hadith collections and several classical and tra-ditional works of Islamic law and theology. However, the term also contains tht> meaning of adhering to a strict, more or less literal im-plementation of these scriptures. Therefore, a close association exists between "scripturalist" and "orthodox" (or pure/puritan) Islam, that,
according to Geertz and others, is found especially in urban
commu-nities, where relatively many people can read (a precondition of scrip-tural ism) and, often mutually supporting, state and religious author-ities are concentrated. Hence the term "official" Islam. As for
mysti-cism, in his The Religion of]a'va, Geerrz mentions its existence among
all religious sub traditions, including the most ''orthodox" one, the sanm.
However, even among sanr:ri he considers mysticism, present
prima-rily in the form of t.arekat (Arabic .far£qah) or mystical orders, as a
relatively unorthodox element and particular to rural religious life. 11
oppositions by introducing the comrast between "great tradition" and "little tradition". 12 Although Redfield's distinction between ''great tradition" and .. little tradition" was nor limited w the Muslim world - and was even developed in anorher conrext - the influence of these concepts on Islamic studies was tremendous. Gustav von Grunebaum adopted them in a study of the relation between "ortho-doxy'' and the veneration of holy men in Muslim societies. u In a response to Von Grunebaum's analysis, Redfield, in turn, called Morocco a clear example of the interaction of what he had baptized as "great tradition" and "little tradition".14 In this he was later fol·
lowed by Ernest Gellner, who, with a slight difference, used the ex-pressions "Great Tradition" and "folk tradition"Y As said above, this same opposition between two types of Islam is retlecred in the work of Geenz on
J
｡ｶ｡Ｎ Ｑｾ＾＠In the vision of all these authors rhen, the "great tradition" of Muslim societies, which tends to be linked to scriptures, urban soci-ery, theory, orrhodoxy and/or the Middle East, stands for the uni-versality of Islam. The various "little traditions", linked ro oral civili-zation, rural society, heterodoxy and/ or Indonesia - or other re-gions outside the core land of Islam - stand for particularity, not within Islam, but within Muslim societies.
This approach ro Islam was challenged by Marshall G.S. Hodg-son, who tried to work out in a more refined way the relation be-tween the religion of Islam, the society of what he called Islamdom, and the culture which, with an adjective of his own creation, he la-belled "Islamicate". He explained that these three should be distin-guished, but not separared.17 This perspective opened the way for a
more dynamic understanding of the development oflslam, in contin-uous interaction with irs social and cultural environment. However, Hodgson himself only rook a few steps in this direction. His book is
essentially on the dynamics of Islamdom and Islamicate culture throughout rhe ages. Islam as a religion is reduced almost ro a set of so-.::alled formative ideals, which provide the society and culture wirh its particular character.1$ This is why Edmund Burke, as cited and
endorsed by Dale F. Eickelman, argues that Hodgson's image of Islam remains close to the essentialist vision of the scholars he criticizes.19
Whereas Hodgson's criticism of mainstream scholars of Islam is
lndmwinn lslnm 1011
and "little tradition" -he emphasized that both have always shown a dynamic process of change.:'O He considered this process, which be pictured in detail in his three-volume book, not as something lying outside Islam as a religion or even contrary to Islam. An additional point of interest is that Hodgson concentrated on the process of change in the - literate, urban- "high culture", as distinguished from the "folk culture" of peasants and non-lettered people. This is, as he ex-plains in a footnote, because as a historian, contrary to anthropo-logists, he is dealing primarily with "high culture".:!! Most of the schol-ars mentioned earlier who, in one form or another, contrast "great" and "little tradition" within Muslim society, are anthropologists and all of them tended to consider the latter rather than the forme r one subject to change.
After Hodgson, a contribution of some importance to the debate on universality and panicularity in Islam was made by Eickelman. Fifteen years ago he published a plea for the study of Islam in local
comexts.22 He started his article with a short reflection on the
relation-ship between Islam as a universal religion and the multiplicity of its manifestations in different historical and cultural contexts as well as a critical discussion of some visions concerning the degree to which the former universal religion is real or the latter manifestations rep-resent "true" Islam. After a short argument that Islam, although not reduced to a series of different manifestations, can only be studied in a meaningful way by analyzing its realization in various local con-texts, the bulk of his article discusses how such an analysis should be undertaken.
The present article returns to the question addressed only briefly
10 the opening section of Eickelman 's article, i.e. the relationship
between universality and particularity in Islam. It concentrates on Indonesia and, after discussing the colonial discourse and later schol-arly developments, will now proceed with an analysis of the comem-porary debate within and concerning this country.
The Contemporary Controversy: Scholarly and Political Aspects
Geertz's theory on Javanese Islam is a piece of scholarly argu-ment. However, the persistent reference to his analysis clearly shows that the whole debate on the character of Indonesian Islam not only is not limited to the colonial period, but also stretches beyond the domain of pure scholar! y analysis. Leaving aside the question of wheth-er a value judgment was part of Geenz's theory, his contention that
llO !obrm ｈ ｾ ｮ､ｲｩｫ＠ ｍ ｾ ｵｬｲｭｴｴ ｮ＠
the majority of Javanese Muslims belong to the less pure abangan
category has generally been understood to imply that most Javanese
Muslims - and Indonesian Muslims in general - are less than good
Muslims.13
A case in point was a discussion that rook place at the end of 1993. The Indonesian Protestant theologian, Victor T anja, expressed his
satisfaction with the fact that most Indonesian citizens were abangan
Muslims because, he stated, that was the main reason why the rela-tions between the different religious communities of the country were
so harmonious.14 This argument was protested against in a reader' s
letter published in the daily Kompas. The Muslim author of this
let-ter argued that Indonesian Muslims are tolerant towards the other religious communities not because they are less pure Muslims, but precisely because they are good Muslims.
The scholarly-cum-politicaJ controversy on the universal versus particular nature of Indonesian Islam is reflected in several other de-bates relating to Indonesian Islam, in particular concerning its history.
Firstly, one should mention the discussion on the arrival of Islam in Indonesia - when did it arrive, from where did it come, who brought it. Until now these questions are much debated. This debate more often is inspired by feelings of religious, national or regional pride than by purely scholarly motives. Moreover, essential distinc-tions as those between the first contact with a Muslim traveller and the conversion of the original inhabitants of the country or between several stages of the Islamization process are usually disregarded.:!.' From colonial rimes up to the present, this debate has been contam-inated by the doubtful hypothesis that Arab Islam, especially in its earliest form, is rhe purest and highest form of Islam and that, as a consequence, an early Islamization of the Indonesian Archipelago,
especially if achieved ､ｩｲ･ｾｴｬｹ＠ by Arabs, would enhance the status of
Indonesian ｉｳｬ｡ｭＮＺＺｾ＾＠ Therefore, it is not without ideological and
polit-ical reasons that most Dutch scholars, in colonial times, emphasized that Islam had only spread in the region at a relatively late period and had been brought from India, whereas many Indonesians, after re-covering their independence, reacted by stating that Islam had been brought to the archipelago during the first century of Islam and
di-rectly from the Arab region.27
Another discussion worth mentioning concerns the origins of
/mlontsi,., /s/,,m I l l
previous developments in the Middle East, but they emphasize local conflicts and transformations as the main factors leading to the Padri movement, which was active in rheMinangkabau at the beginning of the 19th century, with some preliminary agitation at the end of the 18th century, and which is often considered as a precursor of 20th century reformist movements in the ｡ｲ｣ｨｩｰ･ｬ｡ｧｯＮ Ｑｾａｺｹｵｭ｡ｲ､ｩ＠ Azra,
on the other hand, in his recent dissertation stresses the fundamental role of the contact between the Middle East and South-East Asia in the development of Islamic reformism in the latter region, which, he adds, already started in the 17th ｣･ｮｴｵｲｹＮｾ ＱＹ＠
Thirdly, there is the classical debate on the relation between adat
and Islam. We have already discussed the vision of Snouck Hurgron-je, who regards the relation between adat and Islam basically as a conflict between a set of rules of behavior which deterrnine actual social life and a set of ideal values. Speaking on Aceh, he adds that each one of both sets is supported by a different social group: adat by the t41eebalang and Islam by the 'ulama'.:;::, Later, his vision was cor-rected in several ways. James T. Siegel argued that the structure of Acehnese society was more complicated than Snouck Hurgronje as-sumed and that all of the various social groups it was composed of adhered to both adat and Islam, but understood them in different ways.-'1 Other authors, especially Indonesians eager to defend their
Islam against compromising theories, tend to depict the tension be-tween adat and Islam as very limited, if not to deny its existence alto-gether. HAMKA is an example of this group.32 An interesring step
forwards in the debate was taken by Taufik Abdullah, who did not deny the contrast between adat and Islam, but precisely evaluated it positively as a source of social and religious dynamism. He rejects Snouck Hurgronje's conception at two important points: firstly, adat
as well as Islam are not limited to the mere domain of law and rules; secondly, the relation between both cannot be characterized as a re-lation between practice and ideaJ.:I.' In addition, Taufik Abdullah's vision contrasts with Snouck Hurgronje's conception of Islam- and
adat-as something static and with the view that the oldest,
"origi-nal" or the Arab form of Islam is its highest form.-"'
domi-nared by mysticism. Most add that this mystical form of Islam was very remote from "orthodox" Islam and full of Hindu and Buddhist ingredients. This vision became an element of the idea, referred to earlier, that Islam in the Archipelago was different from and of a lower calibre than "normal" Islam. For others, the mystical tradition oflndonesian Islam accounted for its particular tolerance. This is the case for Victor T anja, who makes this theory of the mystical
charac-ter of Indonesian Islam parr of his argument on abangan and
toler-ance mentioned above .1
:.
The contemporary Dutch scholar, Karel Steen brink, rejects these ideas, stating that mysticism was not the only aspect of Islam that rook root in the archipelago from the 13th century and that those mystical elements that were introduced during this period were not so
unortho-dox as many ｣ｯｮｴ･ｮ､ＮＧｾ＾＠ He is joined by the American scholar, Mark
Woodward, who in a recent dissertation on Islam in Java -considered
by many as the region par excellence of unonhodox, mystical, and
syn-cretic Islam-, concluded that Hindu or Buddhist elements are
insig-nificant 10 Javanese Islam and that, moreover, mysticism cannot
right-ly be contrasted with "orthodox" IslamY There are two other inter-esting aspects to Woodward's study. Firstly, he draws our attendon to the fact that, at least before the Wahhabite ideology became estab-lished in the Arabian peninsula, intensive relations between the In-donesian Archipelago and Mecca not only concerned the legal and
doctrinal side of Islam, but also the mystical side.38 This thesis was
confirmed by Az.yumardi Azra, whose work offers many details.3"
On the other side, Woodward, contrary to those authors who rend to contrast the mystical (and rural or popular) tradition of Islam with the written (and scripturalist, orthodox) one, precisely refers to many written texts in his study of the mystical tradition of Islam.-1.:
In addition, in their case studies a number of contemporary Indo-nesian Muslim scholars have tried to correct rhe traditional view that Indonesian, and especially Javanese, mysticism is unorthodox. One may mention the dissertations ofSimuh and Moh. Ardani, analyzing rhe mystical works of the 19th century Javanese court poet, Ngabehi Ranggawarsira, and of rhe 19th century Javanese prince Mangkunagara
IV, respectively.41
Not only in debates of a basically scholarly nature, but also in contemporary discussions with a more direct political dimension the question of the universality versus the particularity of Indonesian Islam manifests itself.
ln.lm:ni.w Ｏｳｬｾｭ＠ l iJ
Achmad Siddiq, one of the most prominent Indonesian religious scholars and older members of the large "traditionalist" Muslim or-ganization of the country, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), made very clear his ｶｾ･ｷｰｯｩｮｴ＠ in the following statement:
lsl.un is ｵｮｩｶ｣ｲｾ｡ｬＮ＠ Therefore, ｾｮ｣ｬｵｰ＠ to cert.1in limils, Islam prcrisely t)ffers
tlw oppnrmnity of (Jnd l'ven pushes ｬｯｷ｡ｲｴｬｾＩ＠ ｾｯｷｴｨ＠ anti ｴｫｶｴＧｬｯｰｭｾｮｴ＠ nf
hum.ln creativity in the .lpplicatiM nf its mle\ so tlut all human ｧｲｯｵｰｾ＠ .md
not JUSt one mJr he .lble 10 follow its teaching. ｔ｢･ｲｾｦｯｲ･Ｌ＠ up 10 cerwn
lu111L\. carh Muslim ｾｭｵｰ＠ may pt)\,l'SS particular fe.uures ....
'-On this basis he defended Indonesian Islam against the opinion that, if or because it was different, it was of lower value than Islam else-where. On the contrary, he argued, Indonesian Muslims were more disciplined in practising their religion, more tOlerant against differ-ences of opinion, and were faithful to their nation and state, without diminishing their loyalty towards universal ｉｳｬ｡ｭＮｾＧ＠ Achmad Siddiq had elaborated these ideas during the great debate on whether the NU could accept, as demanded by the Indonesian authorities,
Pan-casita, the Indonesian official ideology, as its .. sole basis". He was one
of the main NU figures who persuaded the organization to accept this sole basis.++
In this vision of Indonesian Islam and political attitude, Achmad Siddiq had a close adherenr in Abdurrahman Wahid, a leading NU figure of a younger ｧ･ｮ･ｲ｡ｴｩｯｮＺｾｾ＠ He even manifested himself as a supporter of pribumisasi, or the process of developing Islam ro bring it in conformity wirh national conditions, and opposed the strong trend towards the accentuation of Arab elements in several aspects of life- outfit, language, literature, architecture and so forth -which in the last two decades has been spreading in other Indonesian Mus-lim circles . ..,
Still more directly related to political objectives was the question of the "codification" of Indonesian Islamic Law. In 1983, the Minis-ter of Re ligious Affairs, Munawir Sjadzali, and the Junior President of the Supreme Court in charge of its Department of Religious Jus-tice, Busthanul Arifin, launched a project ro codify Islamic Law to be applied in the country. Their objectives were, firstly, to unify the Islamic Law throughout the country ancL secondly, ro develop
no-tion close to the pribumisasi mentioned above. However, this aspira-tion met strong opposiaspira-tion from a large number of religious scholars and, due to their pressure, the first objective was much better real-ized than the second one and the project was rebaptreal-ized, in a less ambitious wording, "compilation" of Indonesian Islamic Law. Among the opponents of the project were many NU members, less open to particular Indonesian values and needs than rhe group of Achmad Siddiq and Abdurrahman WahidY
In order to avoid wrong understanding in this debate, one should be aware that, except for some extreme views, rhe fact char certain persons lay much stress on particularity within Islam does not mean that they deny the existence of a universal side to ｉｳｬ｡ｭＮＭｾＦ＠ This is particularly clear in the attitude of Indonesian Muslim feminists, i.e. women -supported by several men - who asp ire at an improve-ment of the social position of women from a specifically Islamic per-spective. In a recent study, concentrating on Indonesian Muslim women leaders, Andree Feillard has shown that they stress the supe-riority of Indonesian Islam compared to Islam as it has developed elsewhere. They do not consider Indonesian Islam as something alien to Islam, but as a better interpretation or implementation of Islam.19
Parallel to this attitude, they mostly oppose the current trend of "Arabization" in social life, which they do not consider as Islamiza-tion in the true sense of the word.cc The political aspect of their aspi-rations is clear too: they react to a combination of growing conserva-tism in gender issues, growing materialism, and the double role-of
active participant in national development and as social worker in support of, but inferior to, their husbands - demanded from them by state policy.s1 Interesting to note is thar these Muslim women,
who tend to stress the superiority of Indonesian Islam, refer very much to publications by Muslim feminists from Pakistan, Morocco and elsewhere. In this sense, they are pan of universal Islam and ｴｨｾｹ＠
are aware of ｴｨｩｳＮ Ｕｾ＠
In addition ro scholarly and political discussions, in general dis-course the question of the universality versus paniculariry of Indo-nesian Islam continues to be debated. An important factor in this debate is the existence of two conflicting tendencies among contem-porary Indonesian Muslims.
lmlontJid" {lfdm II <
that Indonesian Islam is part of and conforms to universal Islam. In this iramework, the Middle East, more especially Saudi Arabia, often func-tions as the fundamental reference for universal Islam. A part of this group aspires to strengthening the universal features of Islam still
fur-ther in Indonesia. Usually this means the adoption of Middle Easrem features, but there are other ways of manifesting the participation of Indonesia in universal Islam, such as solidarity with the struggle of var-ious Muslim minorities.5J For some Indonesian Muslims, the aspiration
of developing the universal features of Islam is partly aroused by the desire to distinguish themselves from the other religious communities in rhe country. The political import of this issue is evident.
On the other hand, part of the Indonesian Muslim community is rather inspired by national pride. This group tends to emphasize the particular character of Indonesian Islam. This attitude often goes togeth-er with a negative opinion of Middle Easttogeth-ern, and in particular Saudi Arabian, Islam and social traditions. In a positive sense, the attitude of the latter group inspires a serious study of the history of Islam as well as efforts to "contextualize" Islam in conformity with contemporary Indo-nesian ｣ｯｮ､ｩｴｩｯｮｳＮＺ＾ｾ＠ Here again, the political dimension of the question, relating in particular to national development, is obvious.
A factor which complicates the whole controversy on the universal-ity and particularuniversal-ity of Indonesian Islam and the related reference tO or
rejection of the Arab model is the complexity of the relations between the Indonesian Republic and the Saudi Arabian Kingdom. In principle, all Indonesian Muslims dream of visiting the Holy Country at least once in their life and ever growing numbers realize this dream. On the other hand, the difference in cultural and religious traditions, which nobody can reasonably deny, and still more the bad treatment of some of the numerous Indonesian female immigrant workers in Saudi Arabia, are factors of strong disapprobation of this coumry.;s
Some Observations in Support of a more Balanced Judgment
I if> fohnn Hendrik ｍ･ｵｬｴＭｭｾｬｬ＠
number of Muslims. This implies that Islam changes- which does not automatically mean degenerates- in interaction with the partic-ular conditions of each period and region. The particpartic-ular situation of Indonesia has exposed Islam to various cultures and religious com-munities. This is one of the main factors of the relatively dynamic and tolerant character of Indonesian Islam. It also makes Indonesian Muslims, in comparison with most other Muslim communities, espe-cially in the Middle East, relatively open to efforts of theological, legal and cultural development of their religion.
On the other hand, no serious observer can deny that Indonesian Islam is pan of universal Islam. The unity of the Muslim world has been preserved by various mechanisms, in particular the hajj, the circulation of religious and/ or scholarly texts, education in general and the mystical orders. Several studies show rhar the Indonesian Archipelago was not beyond the reach of these mechanisms, rather on the contrary. In recenr times, the mechanisms that unify the Mus-lim world have become even stronger. For the last three years, Indo-nesia has totally used its quota of hajj pilgrims, the largest in the world. Furthermore, the circulation in Indonesia of foreign Islamic religious literature, both of a "fundamentalist" and of a more
inno-vating nature, has grown tremendously during the last few decades. 56
Conclusion
At the end of this article, we conclude that the question to what
extent Indonesian Islam is particular or part of universal Islam was
not only controversial in the past, but remains so up to the present.
Furthermore, I have shown that the debate took place both in schol-arly and political circles and that rhe discussions in both spheres were not unrelated. Finally, I made some brief observations suggesting a
more balanced approach to the controversial subject.
A great step forward in our insight into rhe universality and par-ticularity within Islam would be made if rhe vision of Islam as a set of static rules and dogmas were given up and replaced by an under-standing of Islam as a set of principles giving rise to an unending process of implementation and elaboration, in conformity with var-ious contexts. This dynamic view of Islam, while maintaining uni-versality, at the same time allows for particularity, not outside or in opposition to Islam, but v.-lthin Islam.
End Notes
* This .m.icle ｩＮｾ＠ an elaborated version of a paper prt>sented <It the workshop ＧＧｨ ｬ ｾｭ＠
in South ,lfld ｓｯｮｴｨ･ｾｳｴ＠ Asia: Political, Social .tnd Cultural Approaches"
(ron-vcner Charles Manlon.dd) nf the joinr AFEMAM-EURAM£S conference held in Aix-en-Provence, 4-7 July 1996. Improved versions of other papers presented
at tht> same workshop were published in the rwo preceding issues of Swdz..1 ｛ｾﾭ
!.Jmik..<.
I. Berg, Lodewijk Willem Christiaan van den, De bcgmsc/c11 v.1n bet moh.:zmmcd.un· .1Chf rccbt, volgem de im.im's Ahoc H.mlfot en ..4S;·SjJfoi [The Principles of
Mu-hammadan Law, According tO the Imams Abu HJnlfah and al-Shafi'i], ｂｾｴ｡ｶｩＮｴＯ＠
\-Gravenhage, Nijhoff, 1874, ｳ･ｾｾｯｮ､Ｌ＠ improved ed.ition 1878, 1883.
1 Arkoun, Moh<Jmmed , "Pour nne ｩｳ ｬ ｡ｭｯ ｬ ｯｾｩ･＠ appliquke". in Arkoun,
Moham-mt>d, P1mr 11nc ,·ruiquc· dr IJ ｲｊｩｾｶｮ＠ i.<l • .aniquc, Paris, MJisonneuve et Larose, 1984. p. ·13 ff.
3. St>e !Ctp tein, Nico J .G., ｆＮＮｾｴｷｾｊｳ＠ ＭＮｾｳ＠ ..1 Unifying F .. wor in lndoncsun History, paper
prcsentt'd at the In tern.nional CoJ1ference on Islam and the list Cent1try, Leidt>1l,
3-7 J nne 1996, p. 8 [to be published in the collection of p.tpers of this ｣ｯｮｬｾ ｲ ･ｮ｣･＠
by IN IS, Leiden/j ak.trta].
+.
ｅｳｰ･｣ｩｯｾｬｬｹ＠ so rej;.uding Aceh, as aq;ued in Snourk Hurgronje, Christi.tan, DrAtji:lm·s, B,nJvi.t/Leiden, L<!ndsdrukkerij/Brill, I (1893), p. 171 ff., II (1894), 381,
384 ff. Ｈ ｔ ｨｩｾ＠ work has been translated into English by A.W.S. O'Sulliv.m .1.> Thr
Ad:hrmc, Leiden, Brill, 1906) and srill more outspokenly in his Atjch-vml..tg (Aceh
report) w Lhe Netherlands Indies government (1892), of which De At;'thm is .Ill
t•laboration ftlr a wider public and of whic h the iutroducuon w.ts published in
Sa1ouck's nfficial advices (Gobj&, E. ;tnd C. Adriaanse (eds), Ambtclijkc Advzczcn
v.m C. Snonck Hurgrun,Jc, 1889·1936, 's-Gr,\Venh.tge, Nijhoff, 1957 ff., Vol.l (1957).
p. 47 ff.; see especially p. 51 f., 55, 71 f.
5. ｓｮｾｬｴｬ｣ｫ＠ Hurgrunje, Christiaan, "Mr. L.W.C. van dt'n Berg's beoefcnmg v;tn het
ｍｯｬｵｭｭ･､ｾ｡ｮｳ｣ｨ･＠ recht" [Mr. L.W.C. van den Berg's Practiz.ing of Muh.tm·
mad.t n L.tw], De lndisch(' Czds; ｳｴＬｲｯｾｬｫＡｬｮ､ｩｧＬ＠ wmomzsch en /ettcrk11ndzg tijdschriji
(Amsterdam), 6 (1884), p. 363-434, 737·8 I b, esp. p. 815; cf Snouck H urgronje,
Chrisriaan, De Atj{:ht•rs, !, p. 12 f., 297 ff., II, p. 374; Drewe.s, GerarthJS Willt··
hrtmlus ｊｯｾｮｮ･ｳＬ＠ "Suouck Hurgronje ｾｮ､＠ the smdy of Islam''. BKI ('s-Graven·
h.lge). ll3 (1957), p. 13: Alfi.ln, Mlllwnm.<dzy.th. Tbc Politic.J! Beh.I'i!Uir. of.; Mus
lim /lrJodcmzst Org . .znz'l.Jtzon under Dut('h Co/oni.;/iml, Yogyakarta. Gadj.th Mada
Univershy ｐｲ･ｳｾＬ＠ 1989, p. 19 ff.; Bend.t, Ha rry J ., "Christiaan Snouck Hu rgronjc:
.1 nd the ｆｯｵｮ､｡ｴｩｯｮｾ＠ of Dutch h lamic Policy in 111donesia'', in ｬ｢ｲｾｨｩｭＬ＠ Ahmad;
Sitldique, Shamn; Huss.1in, YasmiJl (eds), Rudtngs on ls/..1m m Somhr.rst Asi.1,
Sing,lpore, lnstiture of ｓｯｵｲｨ･ｾｳｴ＠ Asim Studies, s.a. [1986), p. <?3 [reprint from
}lll!l'ri.Jiti/Mr>dt>'l'l Htstory (Chicago/Lundon), 30 (1958)]. Kaptein,/.c. argut>s dw
fnnher study of V,111 den Berg\ ｷｲｩｲｩｮｧｾ＠ might ｾｨｯｷ＠ th.u this scholar in f.tn lud
preprtred 1he l.ner l'ision on the relation of .Jfl.JI and lsiJm, adhered tn by ｓｮｯｵｾ ﾷ ｫ＠
Hurgrl1nje .tnd •Hht'rs.
6. A' fnr the statit- t'har,!ctet of .Jd.Jt. Snouck Hutgrot\je's '' i$it111 may be 5ta ted
more ｰｲｴｬｾﾷｩｳ､ｹ＠ as follows . On the one hand, refuri tig wh<lt he ｮｭｳｩ､ｴＺｲｾ＠ the
:\ltperfiriJI belief of ｾＨｾｉｬｬ＼ＮＧ＠ Europedll!<, he ｳｴｲ･ｳＮＮｾ･ｳ＠ that even the most primitive
Ｎｾｮｲｩ･ ｴ ｩ･ｳ＠ ,uHltheir l,tW$ ,tre not ｵ ｮ ｣ｨｾｮｧｩ ｮｧ＠ (Snouck Hurgronje, De ａｴｪ＿ｨ｣ｾＬ＠ p. 9
f., l7). On the Ｎｾｴｨ･ｲ＠ hand, he states that, except for changt•s in details, ronte
II 8 ＮｦｯｨｾＢ＠ H•miJilt Mtulrr>M>I
pMary ａ｣･ｨｮ･ｾ･＠ ｾ､ｾｴ＠ law h.ai existed for centuries (op. cit., p. 17). Althout:h
Snouck Hurgronje's discussion of the matter lacks a dear elabor.uioo, one
ron-dudes that he comiders JdJt as sratic in its principles, not in its detail$.
7. K..tptein, I.e.
8. Cf Graaf, H.j. de, Gcschicdcnis 'VJn lndoncsie [History of ｬｮ､ｯｮ･ｳｩ［ｾＩＬ＠
's-Graveu-h.tge/Bandung, Van Hoeve, 1949, p. 460; Niel, Robert van, The Emcrgcnrcofthc
Modern lluiormiJn Elitr, s'-Gravenhage, Van Hoeve, 19&0 [KlTL V reprint 1984:
Dordrecht/Cinn;lminson, Foris, 1984], p. 31 ff., ｎ｡ｧ［ｾｺｵｭｩＬ＠ Akira, The Dawn
of Indonesian Nationalism: the Early Years of the Budi Utomo, 1908-1918,
Tn-kyo,1nstitute t)f Developing Economies, 1972, p. 18 ff.
9. Bowen, john R., ''Western Studies of Southeast Asi.m Islam: Problems of
Theo-ry dnd Practice•, Stlllli.J M..tmik.z Oakana.}, 2, 4 (Oct.-Dec. 1995), p. 69-86. Bowen
refers in particular w Snottck Hurgronje, De ａｴｪ｣ｨ｣ｾ［＠ Winstedt, Rit·hard, The
M.1/.1y5: A Cultur.t! History, London, Routledge and Kegan P.1ul, 1947; Gcrrtz,
Clifford, The Rc/igion ofj.zv.z, Chicago, University of Clticago Press, 1960.
10. However, in ｲｯｮｴｲｾ､ｩｳｴｩｮ｣ｴｩｯｮ＠ to ｬ･ｾｳ･ｲ＠ scholars and layrneu, who readily equate
orthodox Islam witl1 Arab Islam, Geenz is to good an ［ｾｮｴｨｲｯｰｯｬｯｧｩｳｴ＠ w pretend
that in the Arab world Islam is .111 pure "orthodoxy" (if. his lsi.Im Observed:
Rc/igit>us Drvclvpmcnts m Morocco .znd lndonrsi.I, ChicJ.gt,/Loudt)l,, University
of Chic.lgo Press, 1968). St)Ourk Hurgronje, similarly. was of the opinion rhH
hi$ theory that JCtual life of Muslims was very little determined by orthodox
scripture and very much by loc.tl.zd .. tt, applied to the Arab peninsula o\S mtH.:h ｊｾ＠
ｴｾＩ＠ the Indonesian archipelAgo. Geertz ｳ ｵ｢､ｩｶｩ､･ ｾ＠ the Javanese religit,us tradition
into three subtraditions, the .s..tncrt, or purer Islamic one, the prij.1ji (pn·y .. yz) one,
strongly related to the pre-colt)nidl coutt tradition and Hindu-Buddhist
mysti-cism, and the .:d>.zng.In one. The last-mentioned ｳｵ｢ｶｾｲｩ｡ｮｴＬ＠ Geertz. drgues1
stress-es tl1e .tnimistic ､ｳｰ･｣ｾＺｾ＠ of the over-.dl]avanese syncretism and is especially. ｴｨｯｵｾｨ＠
nm exclusively, related to the ｰ･｡ｾ｡ｮｴ＠ populdtion (Geertz, The Rdigwn vf}.I'V.I,
p. s f.).
11. Geertz, The Rclzgzon ofj.zvJ, p. 181 ff. As for the mysticism of .zb.mg.zn. thts i.'
related ･ｳｰ･｣ｩｾｬｬｹ＠ w several rites ｢｡ｾ･､＠ on a belief in numerous .spiritndl forrcs
(op. fit., Pan OM, p.zs$im}. Among priy.1yi, he presents my5ticism dS ｾｶｩｮｾ＠ bdrk
to the mystical traditinn of Hindu-Buddhism (op. m., Part Three, esp. chaptt'r
20 and 21).
12. Redfield ｣ｨｵｾ｣ｴ･ ｲｩ ｺ･ｳ＠ ｧｲ･ｾｴ＠ ｴｲｾ､ｩｴｩｯｮｳ＠ as traditions cor1sriotlsly cultiv.ued and
h.1nded down by philosophers, theologians and/l'>r literary men, t'onnened to
urban societies, more especially tn schools and/or temples, and in llldny ｲｾｾ｣ｳ＠ tn
writing. Little traditiom, then, ue the traditions of the unreflective masst:s nf
village communities. See Redfield, Robert, "The Natur.1l Hiswry t'f the F1)lk
Society·. Soci.JI Fo>w (Ch.tpel HilJ), 31 (1952/ 1953), p. 224-228, esp. p. 228;
Red-field, Robert, ｐ｣ＮｺｾＮｴＧｬｬ＠ Society ｾｮ､＠ Cu/turr, Chirago/Lt)lldM, ｕｮｩｶ･ｲｾｩｴＺＭ of Chi·
｣ｾｧｯ＠ ｐｲ･ｳｾＬ＠ !960 [onginally a !enure of 19:>5, published in ont• volume wgedwr
with The Littlr Community], csp. p. 41 f.; <] Redfield, Robert, The Pnmzti-:;c
Wottld .zmllts ｔｲｾｮｳｪｩｬｭｗｩｬＩｮｳＬ＠ Itluca, 1954; cf, Geertz, The Rc!igil)n uf}.:V.I, p.
217-228.
13. Grunebaum, Gust.lv Edwdrd von, "The problem: Unity in ｄｩｶ･ｲｾｩｲｹＢＬ＠ in
Grunebaum, G.E. von (ed.), Unzty .1nd V.1ril'ly zn M11slim Ci'VJizl.WI!n, ChiC.I!!,o.
Universiry of Chicago Press, 1955 ｛ｰｾｰ･ｲ＠ presell!ed at d $eminar in Luik/Sp.1,
1953], p. 28; cf the rclevJot footnote no. 19 at p. 35.
14. In Redfield, Pr.zs.Int Soczcty .md Cultllrc, p. 48 ff.
15. For t•xample in Gdlner, ｅｲｯ･ Ｎｾ ｴＮ＠ • Flux .1nd Reflux in the F dith uf Men", in
Gell-ner, Ernest, Muslim Sonety, ｃｊｭ｢ ｲｩ ､ｧｾＬ＠ Cambridge University Press, 1981, p. 4
f. AL some ｰｬ｡｣･ ｾ＠ Redfidd aho uses ･ｸｰｲ･ｳｾｩｯｮｳ＠ ｾ ｵ｣Ｚｨ＠ .1s "fl1lk sodety", "folk
t'ulture" aud "folk tradition". Although he ､･ｶｯｴ･ｳｾ＠ sepu.nc ｰ｡ｲｾｾ［ｲ｡ｰｨ＠ to the
olpp.Jrent .lnomaly of "urh.tn ｾｾｬｩｬｴｾＢ＠ (op. cit. , p. 48 ff.). Gellner ｩｾ＠ .mOther t'Xolll1·
pie of ｴｨｯｾ･＠ au ｴｨｯｲｾ＠ who pill much ｳｴｲｾｳｳ＠ on myst it·ism .ts om• of ｴｨｾ＠ llUtn
de-ments of the Ｂｨｾｴ･ｲｭｬｯｸＢ＠ form of Islam.
16. Get.>rtz, I.e., refers expht·itly to Redfield.
17. Ht,dgson, MJJ'$hd.l G.S., The Vrnwrc ofl<l.ml. ｃｯｭｷｾｮ｣･＠ .md Hutury zn ..1 World
0-;;z/zz.zzzon, Chicago/London, Unl\'ersity of ｃｨｾ･Ｎｴｧｯ＠ Pres), pJperbac:k edition
1977 [first edition 1961], Vol. I, p. 57 ff.
18. Cf t>p. w., I, p. 90 ff.
19. Burke, Edmund (IlQ, "Islamic History as World ｈｩｾｴｯｲｹ［＠ ｍｾｲｳｨ｡ｬ＠ Hodgson,
Tht• Vc•nfllrc of 1!/.;zm," lntcrn.aion.;z{ ]ollrn.zlt>[ Middlr £.z5t Studrrs, LO (1979), p,
26 1·26.! [review .utide], l'ited in Eirkelman, Dale F., "The Study of IslJm in
Loc:,tl ｃｯｮｲ･ｸｴｳｾＬ＠ Contrilllltiom 10 A,;z.m StJtdzes, 17 (1982). p. 2 f.
::!0. Ho1lgsnn, op. nt. , I, p. 80. ::!1. Loc. nt.
::!2. Eickdmm, op. til., p. 1-\6.
::!3. On op. elf., p. 5, Gcertz. explicitly caUs the s..rntrz minority "the purer ｢ｬｾｭﾷ＠
wmpared to the ..rb..rng.m and przyJJI religtous subtr.!llltlon .
.!4. ｔｨｵｾ＠ 111 V1nur I. TJnJ.I, "PerjumpJan Islam dan ｋｲｩｾｴ･ｮﾷ＠ (The Enroumer of
Isl.un and Christianity], Rcp11b/!k.J (daily newspaper, Jakma), 13 August 1993 ,
p. 6, where the .nnhor ｷｲｩｴ･ｾ＠ .uuung other ｾｬ､ｴ･ｭ･ｮｴｾ［＠ "Witlnnn nmsitlering
whe ther the existence of Jb..rngJn within Islam ｩｾ＠ Ｇｵｭ｣ｴｨｩｮｾ＠ g\llld or ｢ｾ､Ｎ＠ it ｩｾ＠
dcu that it f\1rm$ .1 r;nher ｳｴｲｾＩｮｧ＠ factor of the way lsiJm m.tnifests itsdf in
ｬｮ､ｯｮ･ ｾ ｩＮｬＮ＠ Islam presents a pe•1ceful' ｯｾｮ､＠ tolerant fdrC, so thdt lsi.Hll can live in
peKe wirh mher religions in Indonesia." Ｈｯｲｩｧｩｮｾ Ａ＠ in ImltmesiAn). Unformnm:·
ly. I have not been Jble to find hAt:k the cxdrt refen'nt'e of tht.• reader\ letter, of
.1huut e.trly November 1993.
ｾＩＮ＠ Cf ｊｯｨｮｾＮ＠ Anthony H., "Islam in Southeast A.-;ia: Refletuon' and New Direl.·
ｵｵｮｾＢＮｊｮｴｬｯｮｷＮｊ＠ (lthara), 19 (1975), p. 35 f.
26. Thi' typ!: of reasoning tS ｨ｡ｾﾷ､＠ t1n the tendency to constdct MldtUe ｅＮｴｾｴ･ｲｮ＠ ｍｵｾｬｩｭＧ＠
ＮＱｾ＠ better or striner ｍｵｳｨｭｾ＠ thJn those of ｲ･ｧｩｯｮＮｾ＠ where ｬｾｉｊｭ＠ Wd< introduct:d
nhlrc rcn•ntly. Nikki R. Kcddte dram attention to the fan th.ll m.uty ｍｵｳｬｩｭｾ＠
ＮｬｮｴｬｮｴｮＭｍｵｾｬｩｭｾ＠ are indined to this kind of judgment (Keddie, NikkJ R., "lsiJm
.tnd Soc1ety in Min,wgk,tb.\11 .tnd in the Midttle E.cst: ｃｯｭｰｴｾｲ｡ｴｩｶ｣＠ Rdlecrions".
Sv)tlllrn (Sing.1pnre}, 2, 1 (Feb. 1987), p. 3 f.). However, sht• opposes this vision by
ｾｵ･ｳｾｩｮｧＬ＠ like Snourk Hurgron)e e.trlier, th,n the influent'!: tlf lt)CJI customs t)n the
tlc,·dopmc:m of Muslim ｬｾｷ＠ ｩＮｾ＠ nt)tlimited tt\ the ｬｮ､ｯｮ＼ＧＮｾｬ｡ｮ＠ Art:lupclago or ｲ｣ｲｲｯｾｩｮ＠
1Hhl'r rt•gions, hut ｾｸｩ｟ｭ＠ also 111 the Middle ｅ､ＮｾｬＮ＠ Only. 'he adtl,, b lam developed
ｦｩｮｾ＠ iu the Ar.tb Middlt• ｅｾｴ＠ and thL, ｩＺｾ＠ the main reASon why the ｬｴＮ＾ｾＮｴｬ＠ 'Y'tcm th<lt
ｷＮｴｾ＠ ｾｨ ｡ｰ｣､＠ thert.'. rdativdy ｣ｯｾｲｬｹＬ＠ under the iunuence ,1f 'everJI nt\tOtns, ｾｯ｣ｴｊｬ＠
nHtthuons, .wd ｮ･･､Ｎｾ＠ particular w that region. is oftl'n constllcred more .tuthemicAih·
bl,un it· th.m leJ;.tl Ａｬｮｴ･ｭｾ＠ that tlevclop!:d later in sunildr way,, In mher reginm of
dte Muslim world, ｾｵ｣ｨ＠ JS the lmlouesian Art·hip!:lago t)r une p.trt 11f ir, the
27. As "offi,ially" formulated as conclu5ion no. I of the "SeminJr Masuknya Islam
ke Indonesia • [Seminar on the Coming of Islam w ｬｮ､ｯｮ･ｳｩｾ｝＠ ｯｱ［ｾｮｩｺ･､＠ in
Me-dan, 17-20 March 1963: "(the participants conclude] that according to sources which we know, lslam entered for the first time in lndonesia during the first
century of the hijr.J)J (seventh/eighth century of the Christian era) and directly
from Arabia" [original in lndoneshlll] (A. Hasym.i, Scjar.th Masuk ddn Bcrk<'mb,mg·
nya [slam d1 lndonesi.J (Kumpui.Jrr Prasaran pada Semin.Jr dt Aceh} [The History of the Arrival and Development of Islam in Indonesia (Collection of
Prelimi-nary Reports to the Aceh Seminar)] (s.l.: Almaarif, 19892), p. 7). Among the
Dutch 5'holar.s who argued that Islam bad been brought relatively late to the
Indonesian arcbipebgo and from India are Jan Pijnappel (who mentioned tlut
Arabs from Gujarat and Malabar spread Islam here) and Snouck Hurgronje (who
considers South India ｾ＠ the most probable origin of Indonesian lsl.lm). They
discarded opinions of earlier Dutch Juthors who bad ascribed the spread of
ls-bm in this region to Arabs from the Middle East. Later Dutch aurhors who surmised an indian origin of Indonesian Islam are J.P. Moquette, R.A. Kern,
B.H.M. Vlekke, ]. Gonda .md B.j.O. Schrieke. They assumed tlw Islam had
arrived in the region from the 12th century of the Christian era or later. For a
more detailed survey of the debate, tWO of the most useful references are Drewes,
G.W.]., "New light on the Coming of Islam to Indonesia?", BKI, 124 (1968),
433-459 ｾｮ､＠ Azra, Azyumardi , The Transmission oflslamh- RefomllSm to Indonc·
su: Networks of Middle E.Jstcrn .1nd MwLry-Jndonesun ' UlamJ' rn the Seventeenth
.md Eighteentb Centunes, unpublished dis. Columbia Univer.my, New York,
1992 [to be published by KITLV, Leiden; Indonesian transladon:j.mng . .m UI.J·
m.1. Tzmm· Tengah dan Kcpui.JII.Jn Nusant.Jra Ab.zd XVII d.m XVIJl. Mclacak Akar· Ak.zr Pcmbaru.m Pcmiktran Islam dz ｉｮ､ｯｮ･ｳｩｾ＠ Bandung, Mizan, ＱＹＹｾ｝Ｌ＠ cltapter
l.
28. Dobbin, Christine, lsl.zmic RevivJiism in a Changing Pt.Jsa.nr Economy. Centr.zl
Sumatr.J, 1784·1847, London/MalmB, Curzon, 1983; Chatib, Adrianus, Kaum Padri dan Rcfonn.m Keagdma.Jn di Minangkabau [The Padri Movemen t and Religious Reform in the Minangkabau], ]akana, unpublished dis., lAIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakana, 1992.
29. Azr.1., o.c.
30. See among other places Snouck Hurgronje, Atjeh·versl.zg, in Gobee ｾｮ､＠
Adri-aanse (eds), Ambtelzjke Ad'OJtezen van C. Snouck Hurgronjc, 1, p. 50 f.; Snouck
Hurgronje, De AtjChcrs, l, p. 75, 163, 184. Although Snouck Hurgronje, in the
framework of the political and military problems faced by the Dutch
authori-ties, ｾｴｲ･ｳｳ･ｳ＠ the role of the ultcbalang as .:dat chiefs, he also mentiones the im·
eums and the keutjh1' (kcuchiks) as adat leaders H the level of districts and
villag-es, respectively (Snouck Hurgronjc, De Atjehers, I, p. 67 ff., 86 ss.).
31. Siegel, James, The Rope of Cod, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1969,
esp. p. 9 ff.
32. Cf Abdullah, Taufik, • Adat and lslJ.m: An Examination of Conflict in
Minangka-bau" Indonesi:z, 2 (April 1966), p. 3, referring to HAMKA [Haji Abdul Malik
Karim AmruUah), Ay..zhku: Rrw.ty.Jt hidup Dr. H. Abd. Kmm Amrull.zb d:zn Ptr·
ju.Jngan IU11m Ag..1m.1 dz Sum.Jter..z (My Father: a Biography of Dr. Abd. Karim
Amrullah and the Struggle of the Religious People in Sumatra), J .tkarta, 1958, p.
23·24. It should be added that at an earlier stage of his life HAMKA tended
tiou] to H AMKA, Isi.Jm tlan Atl.tt Minangkab.m [Islam and Minangkabau Ad at; a collection of wri tings by HAMKA from different periods), Jakarta, ｐｵｳｴ＼ｾｫ｡＠
Panjima.-;, 1984) .
33. Abdullah, o.c, p. t-24.
34. Mona Abaza also points to the promotion of different "iews on the history of
ｬｳｬｾｭ＠ in Somh-Em Asia as p;m of the debate on cultural identity. She explains
that within this discussion the relation of the region to the Middle East is the object of particular attention (Mona Aba-za, "Islam in South-east Asia: Varying lmpaet and Images of the Middle East", in Hussin Mutalib and Taj ul-Islam Hashimi (eds), lsl.:m, Muslims .md the Modern State; C,;sc·stwiics of Muslims zn Thirteen Countries, London: MacMillan/New York: St. Martin Press, 1994, p.
1 ｾＦ＠ f.).
35. T.mja, loc. cit.; the same vision on the history of Islam is presented in Tartja, Victor I., Himpunan Mahasi$WJ Ts/.:Jm, Jakarta, Sinar H:arapan, 1982, p. 21.
36. Steen brink, Karel A ., Bebcr.1p.1 Aspek umang Islam di lndonesta Ab.td ke-19 [Some Aspects of Islam in 19th Century Indonesia), Jakarta, Bulan Bintang, 1984, p. 173 f.
37. Woodward, Mark Rhey, Isf.Jm in jav.z. Normative Piety and Mysticism in the Su/. l.tn.Jte oj'Yogyak.trt.J, Tucson, University of Arizona Press, 1989.
38. See esp. op. cit., H4 ff. 39. Azra, op. cit., p.:ssim.
40. See esp. Woodward, op. cit., p. 247, criticizing in. particular Geertz.
4 L Simuh, Mz;.tik Islam Kcjawen R.zden Ngahehi Ranggawarsita. Su.1111 Studi Terhad:t.p Scrac Wirid Hidayat fati [The Javanese Islamic Mysticism of Raden ｎｧｾ｢･ｨｩ＠
Ranggawarsita. A Study on the Serat Wirid Hid.:y.Jt f.:ti),Jakarta, Penerbit Uni-versitas Indonesia, 1988; Ardhani, Moh., AI Qur'an dan Sujisme Mangkunaga1·.z
W (Swdi Serat·Scw PiwHiwng) [The Qur'an and the Sufism of Mangkunagara IV (A Study of the Serat-Ser.Jt Piwlll<ing)], Dana Bhakti Wakaf, Yogyakana, 1995. Interesting to note th?r, although both authors strive at the rehabil itation of Javanese Islamic mysticism, they do not agree on details; Ardhani contrasts "his" Mangkunagara IV. as a Sunnite sufi, with several sufis of less onhodox ideas, among whom Ranggawarsita, the demonstration of the • orthodox • character of whose works is precisely the objective of Simuh 's book. Apparently, in his judge-ment on Ranggawarsita Ardhani is led by earlier work by the Dutch scholar, D.A. Rink.es, without refe rring to Simuh's dissertation, already available at the time Ardhani finished his one (see Ardhani, op. cit., p. 366, 369).
42. Siddiq, Achmad, lsl.Jm, P.1nc.zsila dan Vkhliwah Is!Jmiyah [Islam, Partcasila and
ｕｫｨｵＧｾｊｊＧｗＮｊｨ＠ /slJmiyy.I-h (Islamic Fratc.rniry)], Jakana, Lajnab Ta'lif wan Nasyr
PBNU/Sumber ｂ｡ｲｯｫｾｨ＠ (transcript of an interview of Achmad Siddiq with Fahml Saifuddin). p. 15. See Feillard, Andree, /sl.;m ct Jrrnce dans 1'/ndoncsic rontemporainc. Lcs pronr1icrs de Ia tradition, Paris, Association Archipe l/ L'Harmattan, 1995, p. 184 f. Achmad Siddiq (1926-1992), was roi5 ..lam (1·.1'1s 'Jmm · general chairman) of the (Syl{ri..th [lajnah syar'iyyah-Consultative Com-mission)) of rhe NU from 1983 until his death. The NU is calleli traditionalist because, more than adherents of fslamic reformism, ir attaches particular value to the tradition of Islamic jurisprudence, theology and mysticism as developed during the long period of its ･ｾｩｳｴ･ｮ｣･Ｌ＠ Obvjously, at least for the NU figures referred to here, this traditionalism included a positive attitude to specifically Indonesian customs and values.
111 joh-n Hendri!t Meulrm<>n
43. Siddiq, /o,-. cit.; Feillard, toe. cit.
44. See Feillard, op. cit., p. 179 ff. for details.
45. Ab<hmahmm Wahid (born 1940) bJs beeu the general chairman of the
T.mfzdzi-.;h (I.Jjnab tJnjrdhiyyah-ExeC<ttive Commission) of the NU since 1984. 41.>. Cj.' Feilbrd, op. cit., p. 200 f., 280,
47. Among the proposals rejected were those ro give equal rights to men <1nd
wom-en in heritage md tO make Jdopted children eligible to heritage. Cf. op. ctt., p.
291 ff.
48. Cf. Eickehnan, op. cit., p. l.
49. Feillard, Andree, "Indonesia's Emerging Muslim Feminism: Women Leader$
on Equality, Inheritance and Other Gender lssues", Swdiu ｬｳｬＮｭＱｩ｢ｾ＠ p. 88 f.,
103, lOS. 50. Op. cit., p. 103. 51. Op. w., p. 88, 101 ff.
52. Op. ,·it., p. 102.
53. An example is the large movement of solidarity with the Bosnian Muslims (</
Aqsha, Dand; Dick van der Meij and] ohan Hendrik Meuleman, fsiJm m
indn-ｮ｣ｾｩＮｊＮ＠ A Survey of Fvwts und Developments from 1988 to Murch 1993, jakam,
INIS, 1995, p. 26 ff., 50 ff.).
54. For example the efforts of Munawir Sjadz.ali, mentioned earlier.
55. Cf AbJu, op. rir., p. 139 (f. also points to the presence of conflicting images ou
the Middle Eas1 in South-East Asia --includ
