UNDERGRADUATE THESIS
ROHINGYA CONFLICT AND ITS IMPACT IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA ECONOMIC SECURITY
Written by: Dea Sulis Bundiarto
20130510452
International Class
Department of International Relations
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences
Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
UNDERGRADUATE THESIS
ROHINGYA CONFLICT AND ITS IMPACT IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA ECONOMIC SECURITY
Written by: Dea Sulis Bundiarto
20130510452
International Class
Department of International Relations
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences
Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
ROHINGYA CONFLICT AND ITS IMPACT IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ECONOMIC SECURITY
Presented to fulfill the requirements for achieving a bachelor degree of Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences,
Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
UNDERGRADUATE THESIS
Written by:
Dea Sulis Bundiarto 20130510452
Advisor:
Siti Muslikhati, S.IP., M.Si
INTERNATIONAL PROGRAM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCES
UNIVERSITAS MUHAMMADIYAH YOGYAKARTA
ENDORSEMENT PAGE
This Undergraduate Thesis is Entitled:
ROHINGYA CONFLICT AND ITS IMPACT IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ECONOMIC SECURITY
Written by:
Dea Sulis Bundiarto 20130510452
This undergraduate thesis has been examined and endorsed by the board of examiners from the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta.
Day / Date : Saturday, April 8 2017 Time : 08.00 WIB
Place : Room HI.A
Acknowledged by : Advisor/Chief of Examiner
Siti Muslikhati, S.IP., M.Si.
NIK. 163 031
Examiner I Examiner II
Prof. Dr. H. Bambang Cipto, M.A Dr. Surwandono, M.Si.
STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY
I hereby declare that my thesis is original and has not been asked to get an undergraduate academic degree at Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, and/or at other universities.
In this paper there is no work or opinions that have been written or published by other people, unless it is clearly written and included as a reference in the script to mention the name and listed in the references.
If in future there is untruth in this statement, then I am willing to accept academic sanctions in accordance with the rules that apply at Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta.
Yogyakarta, April 2017
“Don’t wish it was easier, wish you were better. Don’t wish for less problems, wish for more skills. Don’t wish for less challenges, wish for
more wisdom. The major value in life is not what you get. The major
value in life is what you become. Success is not to be pursued; it is to
ACKNOWLEGMENT
The highest praise and gratitude dedicated to Allah subhanahu wa ta’ala who always give His endless kindness and bless that make the writer possible to
complete this undergraduate thesis entitled: “Rohingya Conflict and Its Impact in
Southeast Asia Economic Security”. This undergraduate thesis is submitted in
order to fulfill the requirement for achieving S-1 Degree of International Relations major, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta as well as the application of the theories and knowledge that the writer had already obtained during the undergraduate study.
The writer also would like to express his sincere gratitude to all those who have contributed in the process of writing this undergraduate thesis especially for the advisor of this undergraduate thesis, Siti Muslikhati, S.IP, M.Si, also to all of the board of examiners, Prof. Dr. H. Bambang Cipto, M.A, and Dr. Surwandono, M.Si. The writer realizes that there are still rooms for improvement for this undergraduate thesis. The writer hopes that this undergraduate thesis could be useful for international relations study.
Yogyakarta, April 2017
EXTENTED GRATITUDE
The writer realized that this thesis will not written smoothly and its process will not complete smoothly without any support and prayer from everyone who involved. Therefore, special thanks and gratefully the writer dedicates for:
1. First of all, I thank Allah SWT, the most gracious and most merciful, all praises be to Him. With His amazing help and its blessing, I eventually can finish this undergraduate thesis.
2. For my beloved parents, Papa (Alm.) although you’re not here anymore, I know you’re always looking over me from heaven, I want you
to know that your daughter has completed her thesis and this is dedicated for you. I love you, Pa. For Mama, thank you for everything you have given to me. For raising me and guided me to become the person that I am today. For all the support and prayers that lead me to my success, I thank you for that. Having you as my mom is one of the best blessing from Allah. I love you, Mama.
3. For my one and only brother, Mas Dela, who always giving me advice and motivation in writing this thesis. Thank you so much for your endless support and affection.
4. For all my families; my Grandma, Grandpa, Aunts, Uncles, Cousins. Thank you for all the endless support!
5. For Ms. Nurul Yusnita, the language adviser who has guided me to make this thesis language in such good academic language. Thank you so much!
Yudha, Rahma. Thank you for every laughs, cheesy jokes, nonsense talks, the memories, the surprises, the support and everything. I’m really
grateful that I’ve known you guys during my college life. I love you all!
See you guys on top! ☺
7. For IPIREL 2013, I thank all of you for all the supports. I believe we will meet in far better occasions in the future with each one of us succeeded at our own careers. Amin!
8. For all IPIRELIANS. Nabila Handayani, Zain Ramas, Sandy Satya, Linggar Pangestu, Sigit Budiyanto, Mas Ori, Ghiffari Yusuf, Paul Muller, Melati NM, and others. Thank you for all the supports!
9. For Nanda Mutiah Ayuningtyas, Tiara Rahma, and Yuniar Rizky.
My not-so-best friend since high school, hahaha. Thank you for always support me in every situation. For always be there, for accept me for who I really am, for all the laughs and motivation.
10.For Angel-Angel; Angel Irma, Angel Ayas, Angel Dera, Angel Dita, hahahaha my super cool group since Junior High School. Thank you for all the supports!
11.For KKN 022 UMY mates. Thank you for all the support and the life-lesson you guys gave me. It is very nice to know you guys all! Gatel Squad; Amanda, EL, Dio, Ulfa, thank you for every laughs and all the memories. May we always have each other back.
12.For Green Harmony Angels, all my boarding mates, thank you for all the support and the memories! ☺
have been given to me, it’s such an unforgettable memories to stay abroad
with you guys! I miss you all!
14.For all De La Salle University Exchange Students. Isaac, Eri Negishi, Marie Oba, Chisa, Alice, Anja, Joshua, Aqidah, Nozomi, Karen, Marie, Michelle, Zhevsky, Nial, Donghee, Megan, Lyka, Yna, Mica, Nat, Brent, Daniyyah, and others. Thank you so much for all the amazing memories.
I’m grateful to know you guys all. I hope I can see you soon. I miss you
guys and see you when I see you! ☺
ABSTRACT
This study explored the 2012 Arakan conflict in Myanmar and its impact on the economic security of the region. The crisis is basically an ethnic conflict between the Rakhine Buddhist majority and Rohingya Muslim minority. This research focused on the most important trade zone of the region, the Straits of Malacca and its connection with the Arakan conflict. Myanmar’s position that ties closely with Strait of Malacca so it has potential to threaten the strait. The sole purpose of this research is also to show the impacts of the Arakan conflict on the regional economic security of Southeast Asia region.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
UNDERGRADUATE THESIS ... I
ENDORSEMENT PAGE ... i
STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY ... ii
ACKNOWLEGMENT ... iv
EXTENTED GRATITUDE ... v
ABSTRACT ... viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ... ix
TABLE OF FIGURES ... xi
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ... 1
A. Background ... 1
B. Research Question ... 4
C. Theoretical Framework... 4
1. Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) ... 4
2. Spillover Effect Theory ... 7
D. Hypothesis ... 8
E. Purpose of Writing ... 8
F. Research Methods ... 8
G. Scope of Research ... 9
H. System of Writing... 9
A. Overview of Southeast Asia ... 12
B. Economic Condition in Southeast Asia Countries ... 13
C. Potential and Condition of Strait of Malacca ... 18
CHAPTER III ROHINGYA CONFLICT 2012 ... 23
A. History of Rohingya ... 23
B. The Response of Myanmar Government Towards Rohingya ... 28
C. Countries Response to Rohingya ... 30
CHAPTER IV THE IMPACTS OF ROHINGYA CONFLICT TOWARD ECONOMIC SECURITY ... 39
A. Affects on the Straits of Malacca... 39
B. Threats to Southeast Asia Economic Security ... 45
CHAPTER V CONCLUSION ... 51
TABLE OF FIGURES
Figure 1. 1 Trade route via Strait of Malacca... 7
Figure 1. 2 Strait of Malacca Map... 24
Figure 1. 3 Rohingya Refugees route via Strait of
Malacca... 48
Figure 1. 4 Strait of Malacca Barrels... 50
ABSTRACT
This study explored the 2012 Arakan conflict in Myanmar and its impact on the economic security of the region. The crisis is basically an ethnic conflict between the Rakhine Buddhist majority and Rohingya Muslim minority. This research focused on the most important trade zone of the region, the Straits of Malacca and its connection with the Arakan conflict. Myanmar’s position that ties closely with Strait of Malacca so it has potential to threaten the strait. The sole purpose of this research is also to show the impacts of the Arakan conflict on the regional economic security of Southeast Asia region.
CHAPTER
I
INTRODUCTION
A. Background
Myanmar (a.k.a Burma) has been in a state of constant civil war since independence in 1948 (Stuff, 2011). Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in mainland in Southeast Asia with some ethnic groups demanding equality with the Burmans in the three public realms, specifically the protection of ethnic culture, language, and religion, the devolution of tangible executive, legislative, and judicial power to the ethnic states within a true federal union, and a democratic form of government (Minority Rights Group International, 2011).
Some of them have fled to neighboring nations. Thousands of Rohingya ethnic are fleeing from persecution. Boarding overcrowded boats (and often enduring horrific condition) they are going to countries scarcely able to help them — or in some cases, frankly, not interested in helping them. The obvious candidates to house displaced Rohingya have appeared unwilling or unable to provide permanent homes for them. For example, Malaysia and Indonesia have turned away Rohingya because the countries claim they are financially unable to accept them. The Thai navy has similarly rebuffed the refugees. Bangladesh, a Muslim majority nation, had informally harbored the Rohingya for years only to order them out of border camps (Tennery, 2015).
Commonly, the mainstream concern was the role of the government and the human rights violations resulted by the conflict. However, the potential possibility of threat to regional economic security issues in Southeast Asia cannot be taken for granted. That is why, the hypothesis of the research is conducted on one particular regional issue, regional economic security threat created due to the conflict, especially in the Strait of Malacca and the surrounding countries.
and business transportations to the strait, thus it creates economic imbalance over the surrounding countries.
Figure 1.1 – Trade route via Strait of Malacca
(Lotha G, 2013)
B. Research Question
How does the ethnic violence in Arakan state of Myanmar affect the Southeast Asia economic security?
C. Theoretical Framework
Internal issues of Myanmar crisis are mostly domestic and so, the scope of topic making ine International Relations (IR) issue is limited, even though the potential impact on regional economic security clearly brings this topic into the field of IR. Moreover, the research will be connected to International Relations issue using Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and Spillover Effect.
1. Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT)
Barry Buzan, a professor of International Relations at the London School of Economics, advances the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). The central idea of RSCT is how security is clustered in geographically shaped areas. Security of each actor in a region interacts with the security of other actors. Regions and their security are now more self-directed and more influential. The countries which lie in a conflicting region which are not directly involved in conflict or war would also be considered as under the threat of it just because of the correlation of anarchy and geography (Stone, 2009).
Buzan argues “The formative dynamics and structure of the security complex are normally generated by the units within it – by their security
underpinning Buzan’s regional economic security complex is that a group of states whose primary security (trade, economy, environment, military) concerns link together sufficiently closely that their national securities cannot realistically be considered apart from one another. He also states “Regional
security is a relational phenomenon. Because security is relational, one
cannot understand the national security of any given state without
understanding the transnational pattern of security interdependence in which
it is embedded”.
Another key concept of RSCT is most political and security threats travel more easily over short distances than over long distances, meaning that security threats will travel faster on regions than the entire globe.
In the Regional Security Complex Theory, there is concept known as
security arrangements, which is defined as the way a country strives for order
and security in the region by way of cooperation with neighboring countries in
the region. The variables in the theory of Regional Security Complex can be
divided into two variables, namely:
1. Internal Variables
The internal variables can be measured using several indicators,
such as; geographical location, and the interaction between
countries, and similarity in some aspects.
2. External Variables
External variables can be measured using two indicators, such as:
current issues and the international situation.
systems, economy, social life, and politics. In geography, it is seen how big the role in defining the geographical location of a country as a region, because not all countries are adjacent to establish a collective security arrangement. The second indicator, the interaction between countries, it will show how often and how closely the interaction between countries in the region’s. Does the interaction between countries so deeply that they feel as a whole, or just
the little interaction to make them feel like doesn’t know their own neighbors?
Meanwhile, the third indicator system will see similarities in culture, economy, social life, and politics in the countries of the region. Most of these countries have something in common, so the sense of solidarity is also getting stronger.
Since the author focuses on the economic security especially in the straits
of Malacca, the author analyzes the internal variables using indicators of
geographical location and interaction among states. Geographical position of Myanmar ties closely with the Straits of Malacca. Therefore, the violence in Myanmar has the potential to threaten the stability of the Straits.
2. Spillover Effect Theory
Moreover, the societal means such as trade, economy and security are correlated to each other. On the other hand, Marteen Bosker who is an associate professor of University of Rotterdam and Mr. Joppe de Ree state that:
“Regional integration may result in a spillover effect where one incident in one nation may spillover to the surrounding nations, even though the
surrounding nations are not directly involved with the internal happenings”
(Marten Bosker, 2009).
In the cases of ethnic conflict, the spillover effect can be very evident. Therefore conflict spillovers are important showing that- the fate of individual countries does not only depend on their own actions to prevent civil conflict, but also on what is happening in neighboring states around them. Therefore if the stability of the Strait is hampered, it can have negative impacts on strategy and economic security of the entire region.
Malacca which is the main route of trade in South East Asia thus affecting the whole region economically (Stone, 2009).
D. Hypothesis
Based on explanation above, it can be drawn hypotheses that the ethnic violence in Arakan state of Myanmar could effect Southeast Asia economic security due to: First, the geographical position that ties closely with the Malacca Straits, so the violence has the potential to threaten the stability of the Straits. Second, the spillover effect which can destabilize the entire economic security of the regional.
E. Purpose of Writing
The purpose of the research is to analyze whether the sectarian violence will have potential to threaten the stability of Straits, so it will have spillover effect on the entire Southeast Asia economic security, likewise defining regional security in connection with trade and economy. Using the Regional Security Complex Theory and Spillover Effect, the issue has been desribed within the lens of International Relations.
F. Research Methods
would help us to get more mathematical knowledge of trade in the region. Connecting both methods will give a clear answer to the research question since quantitative analysis is widely used in understanding the effect of ethnic conflict on economy.
G. Scope of Research
In this research, based on the theme, the author will limit the scope of
research to avoid the discussion irrelevant and the evidence of hypothesis as
well as research question that has been proposed. The author will look at the
data from 2012 until 2016 to analyze the Rohingya Conflict and the impacted
countries. Since the crisis erupted in 2012 until the latest conditions of
Rohingya conflict. The author will also looked at the data on Malacca Port to
analyze the trade and business transportations system in the Straits of Malacca.
H. System of Writing
CHAPTER I This chapter explains the background, theoretical framework, purpose of writing, hypothesis, scope of research, research methods, and the system of writing.
CHAPTER II This chapter explains about Southeast Asia situation and economic security before conflict erupted in 2012, as well as the potential and condition of the Strait of Malacca.
CHAPTER IV This chapter explains the analysis on how Rohingya Conflict affected the most important trade zone: The Straits of Malacca, as well as the economic security of Southeast Asia countries.
CHAPTER II
SOUTHEAST ASIA ECONOMIC SECURITY
Before the explanation of Southeast Asia economic security itself, the author would like to explain about the Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia is a region in the southeastern part of the Asian continent. This area includes the Indochina and the Malay Peninsula and surrounding islands. Southeast Asia region consists of Mainland Southeast Asia and Maritime Southeast Asia. Countries that belong to the Mainland Southeast Asia are Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam (William H. Frederick, 2009). While the countries that belong to the Maritime Southeast Asia are Brunei, the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and East Timor (New World Encyclopedia, 2015).
A. Overview of Southeast Asia
Southeast Asia has an area of Mainland Southeast Asia around 4,817,000 km ² and Southeast Asian waters around 5,060,100 km2. Southeast Asia consists of the countries of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, Kampuchea, and Vietnam, and East Timor. The largest country is Indonesia (land area > 1.8 million km2) and the smallest country is Singapore (area < 700 km²) (New World Encyclopedia, 2015).
Based on the latitude and longitude, Southeast Asia is in the 28° n – position 11° s and 93° e – 141° e. Southeast Asia passes the Equator and Tropic of Cancer. The geographical position of Southeast Asia is affecting climate and economic activity of the population. The northernmost country in Southeast Asia is Myanmar and the southernmost is Indonesia. The westernmost country in Southeast Asia is also Myanmar and the most eastern is also Indonesia (Tugino, 2012).
the island of Mindanao), as well as Bali, Nusa Tenggara, and parts of East Java (Indonesia) (William H. Frederick, 2009).
Southeast Asia is a region that is unique because of the various political systems and government. At least there are four marks of government in Southeast Asia that contrast with each other, i.e. some republics such as Indonesia, the Philippines, East Timor and Singapore, Communist-socialist countries such as Viet Nam and Laos, constitutional monarchies such as Thailand, Cambodia, Brunei, and Malaysia, and the military junta as Myanmar (Helmys, 2013). It also has a rich history of varying civilizations that has resulted in a complex society today. Mobility among different nations has impact on all aspects of the culture, including religion. Some common religions in Southeast Asia are Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity and Islam. With so many active religions throughout the area, Southeast Asia is one of the most religiously diverse regions in the world. In historical times, these nations practiced relatively religious tolerance. Today, however, that tolerance may be dissipating as some of the religious followers have begun to clash violently (World Facts, 2016).
B. Economic Condition in Southeast Asia Countries
growth in the region. So, here is the explanation of the economic condition of some countries in Southeast Asia.
1. Philippines
The economy of the Philippines is the fourth-largest in Southeast Asia and the thirty six in the world based on Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The Philippines has a mixed economy with major industries on the management of food, textiles, electronics, and automotive industry. Major industrial centers are moving in the field of food processing, textiles, electronics and automotive industry. The center of the industry generally is in Metro Manila and Metro Cebu. Agriculture still holds an important role in economic development in the United States and the Philippines. Japan has been the major export partners of the Philippines.
In addition, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea and Germany also became the largest export partner of the Philippines. Most of the exports of goods in the form of electronic components and semi conductors, besides natural results such as natural gas, coconut oil and fruits became the mainstay of the main field of the export of natural results. The Philippines joins several international economic forums such as ASEAN, World Trade Organization (WTO) and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) (Sin, 2012).
2. Singapore
based on the former Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore economy shaping today. Economist Intelligence Unit's quality of life Index is putting Singapore on the ranking of one of the best quality of life in Asia and eleventh in the world. Singapore has foreign exchange reserves of the ninth-largest in the world. After its GDP decreases-6.8% in the 4th quarter of 2009, Singapore got the title of world's fastest growing economies, with GDP growth of 17.9% in the first half of 2010 (Sin, 2012).
3. Indonesia
Indonesia, the largest economy in Southeast Asia, has seen a slowdown in growth since 2012, mostly due to the end of the commodities export boom. During the global financial crisis, Indonesia outperformed its regional neighbors and joined China and India as the only G20 members posting
growth. Indonesia’s annual budget deficit is capped at 3% of GDP, and the
Government of Indonesia lowered its debt-to-GDP ratio from a peak of 100% shortly after the Asian financial crisis in 1999 to less than 25% today. Indonesia still struggles with poverty and unemployment, inadequate infrastructure, corruption, a complex regulatory environment, and unequal resource distribution among its regions (The World Bank, 2016).
4. Thailand
sustained strong growth and impressive poverty reduction, particularly in the 1980s. However, average growth has slowed to 3.5 percent over 2005-2015. The government has embarked on an ambitious reform program to raise
Thailand’s long-term growth path and achieve high-income status (Thailand
Overview, 2016).
5. Myanmar
Myanmar is a country that has rich natural resources such as oil, minerals and precious stones, but Myanmar is a country with a per-capita income levels that are quite low compared to other countries in Southeast Asia. With its status as a developing country that has the low growth rate of the economy, Myanmar is not a weak country because Myanmar has a very strong military force that is one of the largest and strongest military forces in the Southeast Asia. Agriculture is the backbone of the economy of Myanmar where approximately 75% of the total population (54 million) works in the agricultural sector. Other major sectors are mining, trade and industry (The World Bank, 2015).
growth. In an attempt to resolve such matters, the Government is trying to do a good cooperation with the International Labor Organization (ILO), United Nation Special Envoy, United Nation Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
6. Bangladesh
Bangladesh has maintained an impressive track record on growth and development. In the past decade, the economy has grown at nearly 6 percent per year, and human development went hand-in-hand with economic growth. Poverty dropped by nearly a third, coupled with increased life expectancy, literacy, and per capita food intake. More than 15 million Bangladesh people have moved out of poverty since 1992.
While poverty reduction in both urban and rural areas has been remarkable, the absolute number of people living below the poverty line remains significant. Despite the strong track record, around 47 million people are still below the poverty line, and improving access to quality services for this vulnerable group is a priority. There are also many people who could fall back into poverty if they lose their jobs or are affected by natural disasters (The Heritage Foundation, 2016).
7. Malaysia
by the Commission on Growth and Development in its ‘2008 Growth Report’ to have recorded average growth of more than 7 percent per year for 25 years or more. Economic growth was inclusive, as Malaysia also succeeded in nearly eradicating poverty.
Though extreme poverty is less than 1 percent, pockets of poverty remain and income inequality remains high relatively to other developed countries. Real income of the lowest is 40 percent of households increased by an average of 6.3 percent per year between 2009 and 2012 (The Commonwealth).
C. Potential and Condition of Strait of Malacca
After the economic condition of some Southeast Asia countries, the author would like to explain about the potential and condition of the Strait of Malacca. The Strait of Malacca is the waters of Southeast Asia, which links the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. The Strait is located between Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. The International Hydrographic Organization, the non-governmental body in charge of documenting hydrographic and maritime limitations, has defined the Straits of Malacca as the following:
• On the West: From the northernmost point of Sumatra (Pedropunt) and
Lem Voalan on the southern extremity of Phuket Island, Thailand
• On the East: From Tanjong Piai on the Malaysian Peninsula and Klein
Karimoen, Indonesia
• On the North: The Southwestern coast of the Malay Peninsula
• On the South: The northwestern coast of Sumatra to the eastward city of
called as international cruise lines because some countries use it as crossing line for the fuels transports and materials industry of various countries, and causing some countries depends on security and safety of the Strait.
Figure 2.1 – Strait of Malacca Map
source: http://www.marsecreview.com/tag/malacca-strait/
Strait of Malacca is historically known as the busiest shipping lane in Southeast Asia. Its location is geographically connecting civilizations of Asia, and is also the line entries from the West Asian region toward Southeast Asia. The Strait of Malacca is a region that is important for world trade, because regardless of its location, the Strait of Malacca is known as the fastest and cheapest route even though there were a few other cruise alternatives. Around the Malacca Strait itself, there are five important international harbours; Singapore, Port Klang, Johor, Penang and Belawan (Goh Kim Chuan, 2005).
and bulk move large amounts of oil, coal, iron ore, and other minerals to the production centers in Southeast Asia and East Asia, while tens of thousands of container flow in the opposite direction to meet the needs of the consumer market in the world. Each year, more than 71,000 vessels pass through the Strait of Malacca to bring a diverse range of commodities ranging from crude oil to finished products from different regions of the world. Therefore, it is not redundant if the Strait of Malacca is considered one of the busiest sea routes simultaneously serves as the artery of the world economy (Goh Kim Chuan, 2005).
and Tourism believes that the Straits will serve 114,000 ships annually by the year 2020. (International Hydrographic Organization, 2013)
In terms of responsibility, user nations come second to the littoral states, consisting of foreign countries that depend highly on sea-based imports and exports. China, Germany, Japan, and the United States all figure prominently as observer and user nations. This is because the trade of heavy user states is contingent on the security of the Straits of Malacca, and therefore critical for their economies. The important role of the Straits of Malacca also increased when the industry and economic in Asia developed. The World Bank calls the economy of East Asia-Pacific leading global growth amounted to 7.1 per cent in 2013, and is projected to achieve 7.2 percent in 2014. With the recovering of economy in the United States, Japan, and Europe, and an increase in the rate of growth in the second quarter of 2013, the developing countries in East Asia will benefit because the trade flows are large enough.
mainline tankers, liquefied natural gas (LNG) carriers, bulk carrier vessels, container ships, supertankers, or vehicle carriers, while less valuable or regional trade cargo is carried on small vessels, fishing ships, and wooden cargo boats. The term Malaccamax is used to note the naval architecture of shipping vessels that are able to traverse the Straits of Malacca’s rather shallow depths. (International Hydrographic Organization, 2013)
Needless to say, the Straits of Malacca face multiple security issues that
CHAPTER III
ROHINGYA CONFLICT 2012
In Southeast Asia, the ethnic or religion conflict among countries frequently occur, for example, Malays ethnic in South Thailand, the conflict in Aceh, North Maluku, West Papua and the latest conflict is between ethnic Rohingya and Rakhine State in Myanmar.
The violence broke out in 2012, when a group of Rohingya men were accused of raping and killing a Buddhist woman. Groups of Buddhist nationalists burned Rohingya homes and killed more than 280 people, displacing tens of thousands of people. Human Rights Watch described the anti-Rohingya violence as a to crime against humanity carried out as part of a "campaign of ethnic raid." Since 2012, the displaced population of the region has been forced to take shelter in squalid refugee camps. More than 120,000 Muslims, predominantly Rohingya, are still housed in more than forty internment camps, according to regional rights organization Fortify Rights.
A. History of Rohingya
this ethnic called Rohingya. This ethnicity exists in Myanmar. Majority of Rohingya people are converted to Islam. While the majority of Myanmar embraces Buddhism. One might say Rohingnya is an ethnic minority in Myanmar.
The Rohingya are Muslims native to the northern Arakan region of Burma, which borders Bangladesh. The name of Rohingya is taken from "Rohang" or "Rohan," which was the name used for the Arakan region during the 9th and 10th centuries. According to Rohingya history, the group was descended from 7th century of Arab, Mughal, and Bengali merchants who settled in Arakan territory. The Rohingya live alongside the Rakhine, a people descended from Hindus and Mongols who make up the ethnic majority in the region. Rakhine state is one of the poorest areas in Myanmar with some of the worst development and social indicators internationally. The people of Rakhine have held a lot of resentment towards the national government of Myanmar for their lack of attention to the serious needs of the state. Rakhine state has one of the highest malnutrition rates in the country, poor infrastructure and over 1.5 times the national average of overall poverty. There has been little economic and structural development work or aid support in Rakhine, partially due to its incredibly remote and inaccessible nature, which has only further incensed the population when other parts of Myanmar are evolving quickly.
minority population living mainly in the state of Arakan, in Myanmar. Numbering around 1.3 million, they are concentrated in western Rakhine state, which neighbors Bangladesh (Singh, 2013).
During the British Raj, the Rakhine region was managed from Chittagong and Rohingya were able to move freely between these two regions. After independence of Myanmar from the British, the historical circumstances surrounding the status of the Rohingya allowed the Myanmar
government to label them as ‘illegal migrants’ and forced them out on
several occasions (Human Rights Watch, 2000).
In 1974, the Myanmar Emergency Immigration Act was signed into law, seeking for curtail immigration from Bangladesh, China, and India. All citizens were required to carry identity cards (National Registration Certificates) but Rohingya were downgraded to carry Foreign Registration Cards. In 1978, “Operation King Dragon” was put into force, “taking action against foreigners who have filtered into the country illegally”. Eventually, this operation escalated into abusive attacks on the Rohingya by local army forces. During the period of military rule, there were no attempts to assimilate the Rohingya into the wider Myanmar population while they were often subjected to violence. Their lands were stripped, people were forced into labour and the 1982 revised Myanmar Citizenship Law excluded Rohingya from the list of national ethnic groups, effectively turning them into stateless persons while leaving the question of nationality unresolved.
designed to reduce the political fallout from a controversial election in which
the military junta refused to accept Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for
Democracy to win. Aware of the anti-Muslim sentiments among Rakhine Buddhist, the military junta sought to leverage the ill feelings created by brutal oppression of Myanmar in the region in a directed campaign against the Rohingya who were being used as scapegoats. This created an exodus of around 250,000 Rohingya refugees who fled to Bangladesh and Malaysia.
Since 1978, Bangladesh has represented the first destination of
Rohingya asylum seekers, considering the proximity, the common religion,
and-most importantly-because Bangladeshi authorities initially recognized
the humanitarian needs of these undocumented Myanmar migrants.
According to UNHCR, about 32,000 registered Rohingyas currently live in
two government-run camps, near Cox’s Bazar, in Kutupalong and Nayapara,
while it is estimated that an additional 200,000 unregistered Rohingya
refugees live nearby in unofficial camps. Although it might seem a relief that
this contingent of asylum seekers settled in a safer country, life in these
camps is dire, as many of them live without enough food, and have very
limited access to education and work opportunities.
Although Bangladesh has proven to be open to this minority, it is clear
that it is not, or maybe cannot be, totally committed to finding a durable
solution to this issue. After all, Bangladesh ranks among the poorest and
most populated country in the region. This leads to national authorities being
more focused on internal questions (in particular with reference to a possible
labor market unbalance, as Rohingya would accept unskilled jobs at lower
Rohingya acceptance and settlement as temporary. Paradoxically,
Bangladesh itself has considered this Myanmar minority as illegal migrants,
denying them the possibility to obtain citizenship. Moreover, following the
spring 2015 migration emergency, Bangladesh has turned away new
migrants, and has declared on several occasions the intention to start a
repatriation program. Luckily, this plan was not accomplished; however it
gave rise to a “ping-pong” strategy with the other destination countries,
Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia that evidently shows their reluctance to
take any international responsibility.
Basically, the Rohingya want the same rights as others in Myanmar,
starting with citizenship. Soon after President Thein Sein came to power in
2011, he stated the Rohingya do not exist and advocated for their
deportation. The government says they are "Bengali," a term that implies
they are all illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. They are not eligible for
citizenship under the country's military-drafted 1982 law, because they are
not on an "official" list of ethnic groups that had permanently settled in
Myanmar since at least 1823. The legislation does provide an alternative,
"naturalized" citizenship for Rohingya, but only for those willing to identify
themselves as "Bengali." They also have to be able to prove their families
have been in the country for at least three generations. That's difficult for
members of the religious minority who have little in the form of
documentation and are frequently uprooted.
Even those who gain alternative citizenship would continue to be
discriminated against. The status falls short of full citizenship and would
lead political parties and to enter professional fields like law, medicine and
engineering.
B. The Response of Myanmar Government Towards Rohingya
Although Rohingnya people live the region of Myanmar, but the government of Myanmar does not recognize them as the citizens. The starting point of Rohingya discrimination was in 1785, when Myanmar Buddhist from the south of the country conquered Arakan. They drove out or executed all of the Muslim Rohingya men they could find; some 35,000 of Arakan people likely fled into Bengal, then part of the British Raj in India. Since the 1970s and 1978, the military had a policy of discrimination on ethnic Rohingya. Political discrimination is further supported by the general public sentiment of Myanmar, in which it was said that the Rohingya were regarded as foreigners, not as people of Myanmar. The discrimination intensified in 1982, when the Citizenship Act was issued, so bad for Rohingya, having been revoked from their citizenship (stateless) (Saputra, 2012).
may be denied citizenship by that country. A stateless nation is an ethnic group or religious group who is not considered as a national by any state under the operation of its law. This means that a stateless nation is someone who does not have a nationality of any country. Some people are born stateless, while others become stateless over the course of their lives. The example of stateless nation in South East Asia region is Rohingya in Myanmar.
Another opinion says that, Rohingya people fled from their homes to neighboring countries, Bangladesh. There are about 300-400 thousand in Bangladesh. In that country, they are bred, but when returned to Myanmar they are difficult to be accepted as citizens of Myanmar. So is there on the Thai border.According to the Citizenship Act, which was amended in 1982 by Myanmar, Rohingya ethnic is not a part of Myanmar. They are also regarded as an illegal immigrant in his homeland. Along with the status of those who are not of any nationality, they began to experience a variety of difficulties, such as food shortages.
Myanmar’s response to the problem has generally revolved around the
denial of citizenship to the Rohingya people. Such acts have often put it in violation of the ASEAN Charter, where issues such as well-being, equitable access to opportunities for human development, human rights and justice have not been given their due consideration when it comes to the Rohingya. The denial of the Rohingya as a problem also complicates and undermines any attempt for an effective regional solution in Southeast Asia.
Facing the discrimination, some Rohingya run away to Bangladesh and Thailand to look for a place of refugee. In this aspect, UNHCR as the international organization of United Nations tried to give aid to them in Bangladesh and Thailand. Unfortunately, in the border of Thailand they still get discrimination. Bangladesh also stopped receiving the aid from UNHCR because they do not want the number of Rohingya people who come to their country increases.
C. Countries Response to Rohingya
the region by 2015 and since 2009 they have signed the ASEAN Charter (ACSC/APF, 2014). According to the Charter, ASEAN shall become a
‘people-oriented organization’ and there will be a Human Rights Body in
ASEAN, which is later known as ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights/AICHR.
It is also clear to make ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) works in dealing with Rohingya problems. AICHR should be given further authorities to facilitate state in dealing with Human Rights issues as well as preventing the human rights violation. Since AICHR is filled by state representatives, they should be given adequate knowledge on basic Human Rights issue so that regional awareness on ASEAN can be built, at least among ASEAN officials.
The regional cooperation towards Rohingnya problem should be done by ASEAN such as establishing Refugee institution. ASEAN has never been prioritizing refugee issue since this issue was not a dominant issue in the region. However, with the emergence of Rohingya problem, ASEAN Refugee institution should be established. This institution can coordinate with UNHCR to manage Rohingya refugee in many Southeast and South Asia states. Therefore, the internally displaced persons (IDPs) problem can be managed well in the region. These important decisions should be advocated in the upcoming ASEAN Summit (Umar, 2012).
was established in June 2013 as a broadening of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus and is part of wider efforts to advocate for an ASEAN regional human rights mechanism.
APHR will remain focused on the escalating crisis and determined to draw the attention and action of ASEAN’s leaders (Umar, 2012). This report is more than a detailed listing of warning signs. It also represents a call to action to prevent the further escalation and perpetration of atrocity crimes that will affect Myanmar and the entire region. APHR calls upon ASEAN’s leaders to take the following actions. First, they recognize the escalating crisis in Rakhine State and the plight of Rohingya as a serious danger to both Myanmar and ASEAN by prioritizing the issue in Summit meetings. Second, they also conduct an independent investigation of conditions and risks of increased violence and displacement in Myanmar, as well as associated risks to ASEAN, including greater refugee flows to countries like Malaysia and Thailand.
Sixth, they utilize existing mechanisms in ASEAN, such as the ASEAN Troika, AICHR, the office of the ASEAN Secretary General, and the role of the AS EAN Chair, to respond appropriately to humanitarian crises in member states in accordance with the principles of the ASEAN Charter and the ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights. The last but not least, they commit to protect the fleeing from the crisis in Rakhine State, including by granting refugee status to Rohingya and providing the UN refugee agency with unfettered access.
Therefore, ASEAN cannot hide under its non-interference policy anymore or shut a blind eye to the gross human rights violations and state-sponsored genocide against the Rohingya. (ACSC/APF, 2014) ASEAN member countries must pressure Burma and lobby for the Rohingya to be recognized as the citizens of the country once again. While ASEAN
welcome the Myanmar government’s efforts at a peace process, this must
include the Rohingya as well. ASEAN leaders must push for Myanmar to
look into the Rohingya’s right to return to their homeland.
Myanmar and its neighbors see the Rohingya conflict and the trafficking of migrants in the region very differently, complicating the refugees’ plight, for example, Indonesia. As a Muslim majority country, Indonesia does pay extra attention to international conflicts involving Muslim populations. Indonesia has sought to intercede in regional conflicts involving Southeast Asian Muslim populations. Violence against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar
has attracted Indonesia’s attention, as well as the attention of Indonesian
In the President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono administration, Foreign affairs minister urges OIC to help resolve Rogingya issue. Foreign Affairs Minister at that time, Marty Natalegawa has urged the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to play a more constructive role in the resolution of the issue of Rohingya people in Myanmar.
"The OIC must level its approach towards finding a solution for the Rohingya people. It has been repeatedly voicing strong statements, while
Indonesia has been focusing more on action and the results emerging
thereafter," said Mr Marty Natalegawa (Boot, 2012).
Natalegawa added that Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam will try to urge the OIC to play a more constructive and concrete role in the settlement of Rohingya issue, including problems related to sending humanitarian aid to the Rohingya people, their economic development and reaching a national reconciliation between the conflicted parties in Myanmar. Indonesia has actively engaged with the Rohingya issue by approaching both the Myanmar government and the displaced Rohingya people living in the Rakhine province. Indonesia has also been raising the subject at various international meets, such as at the UN, ASEAN and OIC forums.
violations, including the violence against the Rohingya in Myanmar. The government has been trying its best in the diplomatic efforts with Myanmar. Myanmar, meanwhile, has denied the communal conflict motivated by religion and rejected any effort to bring an international presence into the conflict. Foreign Affairs Ministry of Myanmar said in a statement:
“Peace and stability is indispensable for the on-going democratization and
reform process in Myanmar. National solidarity and racial harmony among different nationalities is vital for the perpetuation of the Union. Myanmar is a multi-religious country where Buddhists, Christians, Muslims and Hindus have been living together in peace and harmony for centuries, hence recent incidents in Rakhine State are neither because of religious oppression nor
discrimination,” (Saragih, 2012).
In contrast from the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Era, Joko Widodo administration gives different response to the issue of stateless and violation which is occurring in Rohingya. According to Minister of Foreign Affair of Indonesia, Mrs. Retno LP Marsudi, Indonesia is viewing in different point of view that every state should respects the other state democracy in this case Myanmar, although they had such a kind of internal problem. However, still another country cannot intervene other state`s policy including Indonesia. So, Indonesia decided to not use open diplomacy towards Rohingya problems to force and to persuade Myanmar in recognizing Rohingya ethnic in the name of respecting a state authorithy and sovereignty.
people in Myanmar insists that they are Bengali people. There are also hundreds of thousands of Rohingya people living in the country. The Bangladeshi government, however, shows no sympathy for these refugees. The Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina describes these people as “fortune
-seekers” and “mentally sick” and expressed concern that they are “tainting
the image of the country along with pushing their life into a danger.” (BBC
News, 2015).
In fact, she nearly equates the actions of people fleeing persecution with traffickers who are taking advantage of them and states that both ought to face punishment. She has historically been quoted as denying that the Rohingya people were the responsibility of Bangladesh, stating instead that
Bangladesh was “already an overpopulated country.” In the wake of the
2015 crisis, the government announced that they would relocate the Rohingya people living in camps to a small island away from the tourist spot where they were at the time. The Economist writes, this is “consistent with
Bangladesh’s long-standing policy of making itself as unappealing as
possible as a destination for Rohingyas.” (Hatiya, 2015).
However, days later, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak announced that Malaysia would help to deliver humanitarian aid and search for stranded Rohingya people in the Andaman Sea. A statement posted on his Twitter called these actions as “basic human compassion.” This is certainly a pressing issue for the nation as one of the primary locations where Rohingya people are trafficked. However, the government is adamant that while they are sympathetic to the needs of these people, they feel
unfairly burdened with the responsibility because they are not the “source”
of the problem. Prime Minister Najib Razak instead called for a response from larger bodies such as the ASEAN, the United Nations and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (Aljazeera, 2016).
Unlike Indonesia and Malaysia, Thailand did not agree to house displaced the Rohingya people even though Thailand is one of the major places where the Rohingya travel to when fleeing Myanmar. This journey is not often successful. In fact, near the beginning on May 2015, it was reported that authorities discovered numerous mass graves on the border between Thailand and Malaysia. Although they disagree to house displaced Rohingya, it did concede that it would not turn people away and would contribute aid (BBC, 2015).
effect, citing their commitment to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons (The Manila Times, 2015).
Response also comes from Singapore. The Foreign Affairs Minister, K Shanmugam said that the Singapore government will offer an initial contribution of US$200,000 (S$267,000) through ASEAN to support the efforts of countries such as Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia that have been aiding Rohingya refugees. Singapore is concerned about the situation and welcomed efforts by countries, in particular Malaysia and Indonesia, which agreed to provide temporary shelter for the Rohingyas, said Mr Shanmugam. He said the financial aid is part of an ASEAN-led initiative, adding that Singapore is prepared to consider further assistance, if there are specific requests.
CHAPTER IV
THE IMPACTS OF ROHINGYA CONFLICT TOWARD
ECONOMIC SECURITY
Rohingya conflict is one of the greatest conflict in the history of the Myanmar government. The conflict began to occur between Rohingya ethnic with Myanmar military junta government. Military Junta did not consider Rohingya ethnic in the Rakhine State as one of the ethnic groups residing in Myanmar. With no acknowledgment of Rohingya as one of Myanmar's ethnics and pressure from the military junta, Rohingya fled to escape from the pressures of the military Junta.
The conflict has a multidimensional impact on both national and regional sphere. Internally, serious human rights violation and political turmoil are taking place. Externally, the spillover effect of the conflict imposes potential regional economic security threats. Commonly, the mainstream of the concern was the role of the government and the human rights violations is caused by the conflict. However, the potential possibility of threat to regional economic security issues in East Asia cannot be taken for granted.
A. Affects on the Straits of Malacca
particular zone could bring massive problem for trade and business transportations to the Strait, thus it is creating economic imbalance over the surrounding countries including Myanmar.
As Mr. Surin Pitsuwan, the Secretary General of ASEAN states “If the international community, including ASEAN, is not able to relieve that pressure and pain of the Rohingyas, conceivably, (the 1.5 million of Rohingyas) could become radicalized and the entire region could be destabilized, including the Straits of Malacca. Surin Pitsuwan declared that
such radicalization “would have wider strategic and security implications for
the region.” Since Arakan state is situated along the coast of Myanmar, Surin
fears the nearby Malacca Straits could become “a zone of violence like the
waters of Somalia.” As mentioned earlier, Malacca strait is one of most
important place because it produces approximately one third of the oil of the world and the place for traded goods transiting in the straits. Militant activity against the sea-lane would jeopardize the economies of East Asia and Southeast Asia (Ririhena, 2012).
the refugees usually use boats with capacities of between 5 and 55 people (Asiaone, 2014).
Figure 4.1 – Rohingya Refugees route via Strait of Malacca
(Asiaone, 2014)
reached Indonesia through a 6 to 8 hour journey across the Strait of Malacca that typically costs around $500 to $1000 US dollars. Unfortunately, Indonesia, Thailand and Malaysia initially refused to accept the Rohingya during 2015, who were severely dehydrated, starving and for some, close to death by this stage. Several time both Thailand and Malaysia pushed boats full of refugees back to sea. Indonesia ordered customs authorities and the Navy to also turn away the boats of refugees, while fisherman were ordered not to help the Rohingya, unless people were in the water and/or a boat was sinking. Fortunately, all three countries eventually agreed to host the Rohingya for a period of one year, until they are resettled to a new country.
Back again to the Straits of Malacca, it is supreme importance both to the energy needs of Eastern Asia and Northern Asia. It is one of the two most important sea-lanes regarding world trade and business (the other one is the Strait of Hormuz leading out of the Gulf). 900-km long (550 miles) Malacca Strait links Asia with the Middle East and Europe, carrying about 40 percent of the trade of the world. More than 300,000 merchant ships ply the waterway every year. Economically important nations such as China, Japan and India use this route as a mean of trading transportation. By using the Straits of Malacca instead of the Lombok Strait of Indonesia, super -large tankers ferrying crude oil from the Middle East to the Far East can save up to 1,600 km- roughly three days sailing time (Lotha G, 2013).
trading through the straits of Malacca (Lotha G, 2013). Therefore, if the trade transportations of Malacca strait are threatened, the economy of the whole region will face serious complications.
Figure 4.1 – Strait of Malacca Barrels
(Lotha G, 2013)
As part of quantitative data analysis, the statistics of Malacca port has been examined.
Here is the yearly data of cargo statistics of the Malacca port:
Figure 4.2 - Cargo Statistics of Malacca Ports
2011 22,225 307,127 - 329,352 2012 17,031 277,187 - 294,218
Sources: http://www.pka.gov.my/index.php/component/content/article/126-malacca-port-statistics.html
In the table, there is no constant decrease on the numbers of the cargo throughout years, but from 2007 to 2008, there is a big decline in number of cargo ships. The author assumed that it may be due to the global economic crisis of 2007. However in 2012, the number of cargos transported through the port was minimum in last 8 years (Port Klang Malaysia, 2013). The author assumed that the reason behind was due to the arisen tension into the zone because of the conflict in Arakan. These data were collected from official portal of Port Klang, Malaysia.
B. Threats to Southeast Asia Economic Security
Renewed violence between Buddhists and Muslims in Myanmar appears to be spreading regionally, with tensions threatening to spill over to Southeast Asia countries. Not all countries in Southeast Asia are seen to get an impact in economic security from the conflict. In particular, there are concerns that the violence among Myanmar nationals in some countries may radicalize Muslims outside Myanmar, which could lead to a vicious cycle of reprisals and counter-reprisals. Such radicalization, as noted by ASEAN’s former Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan, ‘would have wider strategic and security
implications for the region’ (Ririhena, 2012).
The rising religious tensions in Myanmar are threatening to spill over to neighbouring countries. Renewed violence in Myanmar has provoked tensions between Buddhists and Muslims in both Malaysia and Indonesia, and the recent retaliatory attacks by Myanmar Muslims against Myanmar Buddhists in Kuala Lumpur has put inter-religious relations at risk across the region. According to the UNHCR, there are approximately 83,000 refugees in Malaysia from Myanmar — 28,000 of whom are registered as Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic group from Rakhine State in southwest Myanmar (UNHCR, 2013).
Myanmar Muslims seeking vengeance for the persecution of their brethren in Myanmar shows no signs of abating.
While religious tensions of Myanmar have gradually spilled over into Malaysia, the rallying cry has been most vocal in Indonesia, the largest Muslim nation in the world. The Indonesian government has demonstrated continuous support for Muslim minorities in Myanmar — having pledged US$1 million to aid Muslims in Myanmar. Some of the sympathy and assistance have also come from Muslim hardliners in Indonesia, such as imprisoned radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, who wrote a letter to President Thein Sein threatening violent jihad against Myanmar over the persecution of the Rohingya.
However, threats of violence from Indonesia only form part of the bigger picture. In April, eight people were killed after a dispute between Muslim and Buddhist refugees from Myanmar at a detention camp in Medan, Sumatra. Several failed attempts at violence against Buddhists have also occurred in Indonesia. In May 2013, police frustrated an attempt by Indonesian Muslim militants to bomb the Myanmar embassy in Jakarta. On the following day protests were held outside the same embassy with approximately 1,000 Indonesian Muslims denouncing the persecution of Muslims in Myanmar and supporting call for jihad of Bashir. Similar protests were also held in Medan as well as in Solo, Central Java.
repression in Myanmar along the economic migration of Bangladesh people in may 2015. Along with Malaysia, Indonesia is willing to accommodate them with terms only within the next one-year and got financial help for the cost of their lives. They (Rohingya people) got tossed around the sea after their boats were left by a human smuggler networks and following the eradication of human trafficking in Thailand and Malaysia. Yet not even one year, the room units at the shelter are now empty. 319 Rohingya refugees destined for shelter, Blang Adoe now only inhabited by 75 people, including six babies born during the last few months. They are known to run off to Medan, North Sumatra and even some are already up in Malaysia as their ultimate goal before being stranded in Aceh. As a result, the existing facilities are not enabled when in barracks construction costing Rp6 billion.
Meanwhile, in Thailand, the Rohingya crisis has become a major concern, as most of these migrants/refugees who escape are landing in Thailand. They are apprehensive of the influx and suspect that the Rohingya are assisting the Muslim-led insurgency in southern Thailand in criminal and illegal drugs trade activities. Unlike the other migrants in Thailand who play a major role contributing to the Thai economy, the Rohingya are only a liability and burden. They cannot get a work permit in Thailand as this requires a nationality verification certificate which the Rohingya do not have. Henceforth they cannot be considered an economic migrant. Thailand is already hosting nearly 1 million other migrants from Myanmar in the nine refugee camps along Thai-Myanmar border. The influx of Rohingya will increase the burden for the country. Also, the resettlement program of the Rohingya is a complicated issue and there is no official data on how many Rohingya are living in Thailand. Due to fear of detention and deportation they do not reveal their identity. As they are not considered as a citizen of Myanmar, reaching an understanding on repatriation and resettlement becomes difficult.
their total contribution to output would be around US $11 billion, or 6.2
percent of Thailand’s GDP. If they were less productive, contributing only 75
percent of Thai workers’ output, their contribution would still be about five
percent of Thai GDP.
Meanwhile Bangladesh is a lower middle-income country with a massive population density of 1,237 per square kilometers. The officially recognized 31,000 refugees in Bangladesh (unofficially estimated to be between 230,000 and 500,000 or more) are living in two official UNHCR refugee camps (and several unofficial ones) in an overcrowded setting, squalid housing, and inhumane conditions, riddled with diseases (40.4% prevalence of respiratory infections, 7.1% diarrheal diseases, 2.3% worm infestation in general and 7.6% malnutrition among 12-59 months old children) and hunger.
It is not only the Rohingya refugees who are suffering, but local Bangladeshis are also faced with dire consequences in terms of the impact on the economy, law and order, politics, international relations, culture, and public health. Local people face severe competition for jobs. Many refugees, forced to get involved in clandestine businesses, illegal trades, drug smuggling, prostitution, and even arms dealing, are taking the already volatile law and order situation out of control.
Crimes committed by some Rohingya refugees in Middle Eastern countries have reportedly been mistakenly attributed to Bangladeshi workers due to their forged Bangladeshi passports, adversely affecting the remittance
market of Bangladesh, a prime source of Bangladesh’s GNP. Bangladesh is
services. The political landscape is also shifting as a result, as many ultra right-wing Islamist groups in Bangladesh are allegedly capitalizing on
Rohingyas’ misfortunes to recruit them for militancy. Above all, the
disruption to Bangladesh’s social fabric has already been revealed by the
