Kutipan Pasal 113
(1) Setiap Orang yang dengan tanpa hak melakukan pelanggaran hak ekonomi sebagai mana dimaksud dalam Pasal 9 ayat (1) huruf i untuk Penggunaan Secara Komersial dipidana dengan pidana penjara paling lama 1 (satu) tahun dan/atau pidana denda paling banyak Rp 100.000.000,00 (seratus juta rupiah).
(2) Setiap Orang yang dengan tanpa hak dan/atau tanpa izin Pencipta atau pemegang Hak Cipta melakukan pelanggaran hak ekonomi Pencipta sebagaimana dimaksud dalam Pasal 9 ayat (1) huruf c, huruf d, huruf f, dan/atau huruf h untuk Peng guna an Secara Komersial dipidana dengan pidana penjara paling lama 3 (tiga) tahun dan/atau pidana denda paling banyak Rp 500.000.000,00 (lima ratus juta rupiah).
(3) Setiap Orang yang dengan tanpa hak dan/atau tanpa izin Pencipta atau pemegang Hak Cipta melakukan pelanggaran hak ekonomi Pencipta sebagaimana dimaksud dalam Pasal 9 ayat (1) huruf a, huruf b, huruf e, dan/atau huruf g untuk Peng guna an Secara Komersial dipidana dengan pidana penjara paling lama 4 (empat) tahun dan/atau pidana denda paling banyak Rp 1.000.000. 000,00 (satu miliar rupiah).
SILiN 2017;
Seminar Internasional Pertama
Literature Nusantara
Editor:
Kastholani, Ph.D.
Dr. Benny Ridwan, M.Hum.
Dr. Supardi Abdillah, M.A.
Salatiga
Editor : Kastholani, Ph.D.
Dr. Benny Ridwan, M.Hum. Dr. Supardi Abdillah, M.A. Sampul & Layout : Tim
Cetakan I : September 2017
Penerbit : IAIN Salatiga Jawa Tengah
ISBN: 978-602-96724-2-8
SILin 2017 is the first international seminar on Literature Nusantara held
by State Institute of Islamic Studies IAIN Salatiga Indonesia in cooperation with Universiti Pendidikan Sulthan Idris (UPSI), Malaysia, Persatuan Penulis Budiman, Malaysia, and Forum Lingkar Pena (FLP) Salatiga, Indonesia. The objectives of this seminar are to explore the literature and cultural heritages in Southeast Asia, to enriching the literature, cultural, and religious studies; to contextualize the values of literature, culture, and religion to establish a dignified peace society; and to maintenance the cooperation among the universities, academicians, artist, and expects on literature, language, cultural, and religious studies.
This is due to the fact that literature is a portrait of the reality of human life. Literature is also an important tool for writers to display social reality in literary works. It is in this literary work that human values, justice, nurture, be preserved and disseminated, so that the ideals of the human beings to establish a dignified peace society can be manifested by involving this literary role. This is because literature carries out the functions of humanity, education, and liberation.
There four main topics discussed in this seminars, covering: First, Religion, State, and Counter Terrorism, Second; Literature and Literature Criticism, Third, The Locality and Contextualization of Literature and Culture, Fourth, Education, Literature and Language Studies. There are 24 papers presented in this seminar.
This seminar is an effort to actively participate in the development of science and literature and to develop and enrich the treasures of literature and to uphold the values of literature, culture, and religion to create a peaceful and dignity and to expand participation in a regional, national, and international context.
The Editors.
NAIB CANSELOR
UNIVERSITI PENDIDIKAN SULTAN IDRIS
Assalamualaikum wrt wrt dan Salam Sejahtera.
Syukur kepada Allah SWT, kerana seminar pertama SILiN ini dapat di r ealisasikan pelaksanaannya di Kampus Institut Agama Islam Negeri Kota Salatiga, Jawa Tengah indonesia. Saya ingin mengambil kesempatan ini me rakam-k an ucapan terima rakam-kasih atas rakam-kesediaan Persatuan Penulis Budiman Malaysia memilih Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris sebagai rakan kongsi akademik bagi menjayakan seminar ini.
Program-program keilmuan sememangnya sudah menjadi suatu keperluan di universiti sebagai pemangkin perkembangan ilmu. Persidangan membuka ruang argumentasi, dialog dan perbincangan yang akan menemukan manusia kepada sesuatu solusi. Persidangan yang dianjurkan ini membuka peluang kepada ahli akademik menyampaikan hasil-hasil kajian menerusi pembentangan kertas kerja yang tentunya akan mendatangkan banyak manfaat untuk pembangunan negara.
dan merancakkan proses pengembangan ilmu dan pembangunan di rantau Nusantara ini. Semoga dokongan dan kerjasama seperti ini dapat diteruskan lagi pada masa-masa akan dalam pelbagai bidang yang lain.
Sekian terima kasih.
PRESIDEN PERSATUAN PENULIS BUDIMAN
MALAYSIA
Pertama-tamanya, saya mengucapkan kesyukuran ke Hadrat Allah SWT kerana dengan Izin dan Rahmat-Nya jua Seminar Internasional Pertama Literatur Nusantara (SILiN) yang julung kali dianjurkan ini dapat direalisasikan pelaksanaannya pada hari ini. Selawat dan Salam ke atas Junjungan Besar Nabi Muhammad SAW obor uswatun hasanah.
Seminar kali pertama ini mengenengahkan literatur Nusantara sebagai latar yang menganjung ruang perbincangan para akademis. Seminar ini membuka satu lagi ruang akademik di peringkat internasional yang mempertemukan ahli akademik serumpun dan senusantara menggembeling buah fikir dan pemikiran bagi tujuan memanjangkan lagi kebaikan-kebaikan untuk manfaat manusia seluruhnya.
Kepada semua peserta yang mengambil bahagian saya ucapkan selamat berseminar. Mohon dimaafkan atas sebarang kekurangan sepanjang persidangan ini berlangsung dan mendoakan semoga berjumpa lagi dalam SILiN 2019 di Malaysia.
Sekian, terima kasih.
The Global and Local Value of International Literature
Tabitha Kidwell
Doctoral Candidate, University of Maryland Visiting Researcher, IAIN Salatiga
September, 2017
A reader lives a thousand lives before he dies. The man who never reads lives only one. -George R.R. Martin
Introduction
T
he study of literature is a valuable endeavor. Literature provides exposure to new ways of thinking, behaving, and perceiving the world. In many academic contexts, the study of literature has long focused on the canonical works – the so-called “Great Books” or “classics.” A list of these works would include philosophical treatises (e.g., Plato’s The Republic, Sun Tzu’s The Art of War), scripture (e.g., The Bible, the Koran, the BhavagadGita), drama (e.g., works by Shakespeare), poetry (e.g., John Milton’s Paradise Lost), and prose (e.g., novels by Charles Dickens, Jane Austen, or James Joyce). The study of canonical literature aims to expose students to the “high culture” of western civilization, and knowledge of the classics serves to contribute to students’ status as “cultured individuals.”individual” requires knowledge of the (primarily) western classics (Kramsch, 1993). Teachers of literature have “promoted themselves as no less than the guardians of civilized values, values which were themselves stored in the ‘great tradition’ of writing in English” (Corbett, 2003, p. 167). Though efforts in recent years have strived to diversify the canon, it remains heavily weighted toward the works of European men. Corbett (2003) argues that the study of English literature has become politicized, and has become a way for “middle-class white males [to withhold] power from groups such as the working class, women, and other races” (p. 167).
In this paper, I refute the prioritization of western classics within the study of literature. Instead, I argue for an increased focus on contemporary works from diverse global authors. This publication’s focus on Nusantara literature, the literature of Indonesia and its neighbors (primarily Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei), is an example of an appropriately increased focus on previously under-represented world literatures. I frame my argument within an approach to literature and language that seeks to minimize cultural globalization and empower global voices. Within that theoretical framework, there are two complementary and parallel arguments for an increased prioritization of international literature. First, for global readers, studying the literature of diverse societies and cultures supports the development of intercultural1 competence, which is increasingly necessary in today’s global and interconnected world. Second, for member of diverse global societies and cultures, the elevation of local literatures to a status commensurate with the “western classics” increases the cultural relevance of local education, and opens the possibility of the participation of diverse global scholars in contemporary academic conversations. Below, I will expand upon my theoretical framework before discussing these two arguments for the value of international literature.
Theoretical Framework
As an English teacher and a scholar of applied linguistics and language education, my views on academia are grounded in language education, so I will explain my theoretical perspective building from that field. English skills are highly prized by many people around the world. For instance, many Indonesian people see strong English skills as a gateway to opportunities in commerce, diplomacy, and academia (Chodidjah, 2008; Faisal, 2015). Despite widespread interest in learning English, the prioritzation of the English language can be
accompanied by a deprioritization of the local language – and also the risk of deprioritization of the local cultures. Kartono (1976) argues that Indonesian people have long viewed English, and the western cultural values that might come with English instruction, as a potential threat to national unity. Many Indonesian people appear to want to gain English skills while remaining concerned about the possibility of loss or degradation of the home culture.
Global scholars echo and validate these concerns. Kachru (1986) was one of the first scholars to speak about against the cultural imperialism that can accompany the global spread of the English language. In Kachru’s framework, typical “native speaker” countries (i.e., the US, Canada, the UK, Ireland, Australia, and New Zealand) constitute the “inner circle” of English language use. Countries where English is in frequent use as a second or official language (e.g., India, Nigeria, Malaysia) are considered the “outer circle,” while countries where English is typically taught as a foreign language (e.g., Peru, China, Greece) comprise the “expanding circle.” Kachru’s framework offers the possibility of replacing the idealized (and ultimately unattainable) “native speaker” model with that of a local proficient speaker of “Indian English” or “Peruvian English.” He advocates for the development of “world Englishes” (such as “Indonesian English”) as a means of better matching local needs, cultural practices, and linguistic norms. Canagarajah (1999) characterizes the divide between inner circle communities of “native speakers” and outer/expanding circle communities of “non-native speakers” as “center” and “periphery. Canagarajahargues that students and teachers of English in “periphery” countries should question “standardized native speaker norms” by rejecting, embracing, or appropriating the language in accordance with their own needs and priorities. As English is increasingly used as a common language among non-native speakers worldwide (Jenkins, 2006), the linguistic contribution of countries like Indonesia, which Kachru (1986) characterizes as “expanding circle,” and which Canagarajah (1999) calls a “periphery” country, is growing in importance.
for two main reasons: first, this focus will allow scholars, students, and readers worldwide to learn about the cultures of Indonesia and its neighbors, thereby strengthening their intercultural understanding, awareness, and competence; second, an increased focus on Nusantara literature will serve to empower and inspire scholars, students, and readers from the Nusantara region, offering them a voice and a place in global literary and academic conversations.
The Global Value of International Literature
Globalization has brought international citizens together in an unprecedented way. People interact together across differences of culture, language, race, and religion with increasing regularity. Intercultural understanding, competence, and awareness are integral when navigating the “borders” between these differences. As Kramsch (2004) states, “cross-cultural understanding requires a basic willingness to question one’s own and one’s interlocutor’s assumptions and beliefs, to interpret intentions, and to engage with worldviews that are different from one’s own” (p. 57). International literature provides an important source of exposure to the assumptions, beliefs, intentions, and worldviews of others. It is a particularly cost-effective option, as well; readers need only purchase a book, rather than an intercontinental plane ticket, to be able to have contact with diverse perspectives.
of intercultural understanding, awareness, and competence, because it helps scholars, students, and readers step out of their own cultural perspective into a “third place” that allows them to move towards deeper and more meaningful engagement with individuals from different cultures.
The Local Value of International Literature
While international literature offers the possibility of increasing the intercultural awareness of readers from different cultures, if also offers a powerful opportunity to validate and sustain global cultures. In the US, scholars working across differences of race and ethnicity have called for curricula that validate and build on learners’ lived experiences; Gay (2000) refers to this approach to education as “culturally responsive,” while LadsonBillings (1994) uses the term “culturally relevant.” Scholars working with linguistically diverse students in the US have established the importance of portraying cultural difference as a strength rather than a deficit (Zentella, 2005), and have advocated for curricula that build on the “funds of knowledge” within students’ communities (Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992). In recent years, Paris (2012) has built on the work of these scholars to argue for the value and importance of culturally sustaining curricula, which “seek to perpetuate and foster—to sustain—linguistic, literate, and cultural pluralism” (p. 93). While these scholars are primarily focusing on diverse individuals within the U.S., their argument is equally strong in respect to diverse communities worldwide. Students, scholars, and readers around the world need to see themselves and their local realities reflected in the literature they read. If they never read about people who talk, look, and act like them, they will be far less likely to see a place for themselves within literary and academic conversations. Symbols matter, but if individuals do not encounter symbols that matter to them in the literature that is externally validated by the academy, those symbols will come to matter less and less. To sustain the vibrancy of cultures around the world, it is essential for the academy to promote and validate international literature thatportrays those diverse cultures. Support for the study and development of Nusantara literature will provide individuals from Nusatara cultures to see their place in literature, academia, and the world.
within individuals. Appadurai (1996) noted that the globalization of the media has allowed for the development of cultural frames of reference that are independent of geographical location. Individuals carry with them many “small cultures,” such as the culture of their neighborhood, classroom, or peer group, in addition to the ethnic or national culture that Holliday (1999) refers to as “large culture.” In response to these realities, Spack (1997) argues for the importance of seeing people as individuals, not as members of a cultural group. Similarly, Pratt (1991) puts forward the notion of transculturation, advocating for a curriculum that celebrates difference, variation, and creativity rather than focusing first on a certain cultural background. These ideas fit with scholars’ calls for “global appropriacy and local appropriation” (Alptekin, 2002, p. 63) that help people come to feel “at home in both international and national cultures” (Kramsch& Sullivan, 1996, p. 211). Therefore, as support is lent to international literatures, it is essential to keep the door open diverse perspectives and new voices. Otherwise, efforts to move away from the hegemony of the canonical western academic tradition will simply result in the imposition of a new hegemony that may be no less oppressive. Though diverse voices may express perspectives that challenge commonly held beliefs, their existence is not a threat. Rather, like fire that kills the underbrush and thereby invigorates the forest, critically diverse and discordant discourse supports the development of deeper, truer understandings and increased knowledge.
Conclusion
Efforts to develop and sustain the viability of International literature, such as this publication focused on Nusantara literature, are essential. As the forces of globalization continue to bring global citizens closer together, the study of literature from different cultures offers the opportunity to engage with and learn from those cultures. At the same time, vibrant literature traditions help foster, protect, and validate international cultural traditions, and provide a space for individuals from diverse communities to contribute to international literary and academic conversations. Nusantara literature has much to contribute to international dialogue – on both a global and a local level.
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Preface ... v
Sepatah Kata, Naib Canselor Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris ...vii
Kata Sambutan, Presiden Persatuan Penulis Budiman Malaysia ... ix
Introduction; The Global and Local Value of International Literature ... xi
Daftar Isi ... xix
TEMA I: RELIGION, STATE, AND COUNTER TERRORISM
The Desputes Overterrorism: Between Committing Violance for The God’s Sake or Violance Against the Command of God? Istadiyantha ... 3Ibrahim Haji Yaakob (1910-1979): Memori Anak Kandung Suluh Budiman SITC, Tokoh Penjalin Setiakawan Malaysia-Indonesia Raja Ahmad Shalaby Raja Hassan ... 23
Relasi Antara Agama, Negara dan Budaya dalam Kontek Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia Mubasirun ... 33
Unsur-Unsur Islam dalam Puisi-Puisi daripada Diwan Barat-Timur oleh Johann Wolfgang Von Goethe Robe’ah Yusuf, Abdul Halim Ali (Phd), Minah Sintian ... 45
Teosofi, Soekarno, dan Pancasila Ahmad Faidi ... 53
TEMA II: LITERATURE, LITERATURE CRITICS
AND COMPARATIVE DISCOURSE
Analisis Penggunaan Tulisan Jawi (Arab Melayu) dan Kaligrafi dalam
Artifak-Artifak Nusantara: Kajian berbagai Artifak di Asia Tenggara Abad ke-18 dan 19
Makmur Haji Harun, Kastolani... 99
Drama Melayu Tradisional: Satu Kajian Bentuk dan Struktur Penulisan
Skrip Makyong, Mohd Amir Bin Mohd Zahari ... 127
Pendekatan Kritik Teks Sastera Berasaskan Gagasan Estetika Bersepadu
Abdul Halim Ali ... 133
Membaca Ayat–Ayat Cinta 2 dan Memikirkan Habiburrahman El Syirazy
Hanung Triyoko ... 153
A Comparative Discourse on Islam and Hinduism Preaching Texts
Hammam ...165
TEMA III: LOKALITAS DAN KONTEKSTUALITAS SASTRA
DAN BUDAYA
Pengetahuan Lokal Masyarakat Kadazandusun dalam Pemeliharaan dan Pemuliharaan Alam
Minah Binti Sintian, Julita Norjietta Binti Taisin, Ani Binti Omar, Siti Nor Amalina Binti Ahmad Tajuddin ... 185
Lokalitas dan Kontekstualitas Tafsir Sastra di Indonesia (Sebuah Upaya Deradikalisasi)
Mohamad Nuryansah & Benny Ridwan ... 201
Tradisi Islam Jawa: Lintasan Sejarah dan Dinamikanya
Adif Fahrizal Arifyadiputra ... 217
The Functions of Buka Luwur Tradition in The Grave of Sunan Kudus
Muhammad Rikza Muqtada ... 235
Makna Tersirat dalam Teka-Teki Melayu
Hamsiah Juki dan Che Ibrahim Salleh ... 249
The Concept of Tolerance Between School of Islam In The Amman Massage
Suryo Ediyono, Muamar Maulana ... 271
Aktifitas Ekonomi Masyarakat Tionghoa di Semarang Tahun 1900-1930
TEMA IV: EDUCTION, LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE STUDIES
Sastera Melayu Memprakarsakan Modal Insan dalam Pendidikan Negara
Azhar bin Hj.Wahid & Fathin Noor Ain binti Ramli ... 295
Works of Literature As A Media To Build Character Education Values: An Analysis on The Legend of Salatiga
Noor Malihah ... 309
Cerita Fantasi dan Sains Fiksyen Membina Daya Kreativiti dan Motivasi Murid-Murid Sekolah Dalam Hospital
Professor Madya Dr. Ani Binti Haji Omar ... 317
Akal Budi dalam Peribahasa Melayu Sarawak
Abang Patdeli bin Abang Muhi ... 335
Penilaian Kurikulum Berasaskan Model CIPP (Context, Input, Process, Product)
Azizi bin Jaafar, PhD., Tuan Majdiah Bt Tuan Ismail, dan
Akhyar Zaim Bin Azizi ... 357
Tipe-Tipe Kesalahan Konkordansi Gramatikal pada Klausa Bahasa Arab
Istadiyantha ... 3
Ibrahim Haji Yaakob (1910-1979): Memori Anak Kandung Suluh Budiman
SITC, Tokoh Penjalin Setiakawan Malaysia-Indonesia
Raja Ahmad Shalaby Raja Hassan ... 23
Relasi Antara Agama, Negara dan Budaya dalam Kontek Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia
Mubasirun ... 33
Unsur-Unsur Islam dalam Puisi-Puisi daripada Diwan Barat-Timur oleh Johann Wolfgang Von Goethe
Robe’ah Yusuf, Abdul Halim Ali (Phd), Minah Sintian ... 45
Teosofi, Soekarno, dan Pancasila
Ahmad Faidi ... 53
Proses dan Peranan Konversi Agama Terhadap Pencarian Identitas Diri Seorang Mualaf
Between Committing Violance for The God’s Sake or
Violance Against the Command of God?
Istadiyantha
Universitas Sebelas Maret of Surakarta [email protected]
Abstract
In the wake of 9/11 the role of religion in promoting acts of vio- lence considered as terrorism has been widely discussed by scholars,journalists, and policy makers. Several scholars, however, claim that religion does not have anything todo with terrorism. In their views religion is innocent and victim of unscrupulous politic alactivists. Several others do believe that religion has to do with terrorism because religion has the power to motivate people to do good as well bad things. This article aims to elaborate religious or sacred terrorism or‘new terrorism’according to some scholars.
Keywords: Religious terrorism, Holy terror, Waves of terrorism.
Abstrak
Peristiwa 9/11 telah memicu pembahasan secara luas oleh para ilmuwan, wartawan, dan pengambil kebijakan mengenai peranan agama dalam mendorong kekerasan yang dikategorikan sebagai terorisme. Beberapa ilmuwan mengatakan bahwa agama tidak ada hubungan dengan terorisme. Mereka mengatakan bahwa agama tidak bersalah dan hanya sebagai korban dari para aktivis politik yang tidak bertanggungjawab. Sebagian lagi berpendapat bahwa agama mampu mendorong timbul tindakan-tindakan terorisme. Artikel ini akan mengelaborasi terorisme keagamaan/suci atau terorisme baru, menurut beberapa ilmuwan.
Introduction
V
iolent events are deemed as the acts of terrorism occurred over the last few decades indicating there is a different kind of specific committed violation. The most frequent violence in recent years, which has claimed many lives and possessions, is recognized by the perpetrators as being religiously motivated. For instance, the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, November 4th, 1995 by Yigal Amir, an extremist Jewish youth. Yigal told the local police that, “I am acting alone and by God’s command,” and “I am not sorry”. About fourteen years earlier (October 6, 1981) Lieutenant Khalid al Islambuli, a soldier and member of the alJihād organization in Egypt who led a small group tasked with killing President Anwar Sadat, shouted after firing at the honorary seat of Sadat’s seat, “My name is Khalid alIslambuli, I have killed Fir’awn (Sadat), and I am not afraid to die.”1The two people who committed the murders, despite their different religions, Yigal Amir were Jewish believers while Khalid alIslambuli was a Muslim, had the same conviction that killing a state leader who violated the laws of God was His command.2 Such assassinations and acts of violence (such as terrorism), which are driven by religious beliefs, were not primarily just happened among Jews and Muslims, but also in other religions. Since the 1980s, this type of terrorism has involved the elements of all major religions, including sects and cult.3 All these groups are united by the belief that their acts of violence are approved by God and even commanded by Him. Although these groups have doctrines, institutions, religious practices, and different origins, they are all united by the motivation and justification for the use of sacred violence in their efforts to sustain, extend or revoke their society or for the millenarian or messianic reasons.4 One of the most remarkable of all the violence perpetrated by all religious cult and others date to the 9/11 event that destroyed twin buildings in New York and part of the Pentagon building in Washington, USA and caused
1 Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence, Updated Edition with a New Preface (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000), 47; Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism (New York: University of Columbia Press, 1998), 89;
Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism: Revised and Expanded Edition (New York: Universityof Columbia
Press, 2006), 82
2 Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet & Pharaoh (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University California Press, 1985), 192; Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, The Age of Sacred Terror: Radical Islam’s War Against America (NewYork: Random House, 2002), 85; John L.
Esposito, Unholy War: Terrorin the Name of Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002),90.
3 Charles Selangut, Sacred Fury: Understanding Religious Violence (New York: AltaMira Press, 2003), 3
4 Juergensmeyer, Terrorin the Mind of God; David C. Rapoport, “the Four Waves of Modern Terrorism,” dalam Audrey K. Cronin and James M. Ludes, eds., Attacking Terrorism: Elements of a Grand Strategy, 4673 (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2004), 61; Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, 92-93; Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism: Revised and Expanded Edition, 8688; Adam
Dolnik and Rohan Gunaratna,“On the Nature of Religious Terrorism”, dalam Feffrey Haynes,ed.,
the loss of about 3000 human lives. Osama bin Laden, the supreme leader of al-Qaeda, said in a statement after this incident that the Almighty God had hit the United States and destroyed its best buildings. Bin Laden thanked God for the death and destruction caused by the actions of al-Qaeda members. Thus, bin Laden presents his group’s struggles in theological terms.5
Nevertheless, some scientists and religious leaders insist that terrorism has absolutely nothing to do with religion. Religion is considered only as an innocent victim and in some ways irrelevant. Robert Pape, for example, let say that the acts of terrorism realized through suicide bombings are essentially to gain national independence from the foreign military occupation of a democratic state.6 Thus, Pape emphasized the role of political factors, namely the liberation movement of the state in the emergence of suicide bomb terrorism. Although Pape in some places mentions the role of religion in terrorism, particularly in the form of suicide bombings,7 however, in general his analysis of religious motives is irrelevant. For this reason he does not try to explain the obviously visible role of religion in acts of violence and terrorism perpetrated by members of various religions and sects that occur worldwide (eg, Indonesia, Pakistan, India, Iraq, Egypt, Algeria, Sudan, Spain, United Kingdom, United States, Japan, Russia, and others).
The position taken by Pape supports indirectly two distinct groups: first, religious advocates seeking to distance religion from acts of violence and terrorism. They say that religion is not only neutral about violence but also against it, and therefore religion is an innocent victim of hardliners. These people, they say, have hijacked a religion of peace. Second, secular scientists and analysts are always argued that political and economic factors are responsible for the acts of violence and social conflict.
The two positions above, which say that religion has a connection with acts of violence and which reject the existence of such relationships, shows religion as a coin of a currency that has two sides. Religion has the authority to kill and heal, to inflict barbaric acts, or to bless humanity with healing and wholeness. However, this article will only discuss the views of scientists who say that acts of terrorism are motivated by religion and have religious and political objectives. But before elaborating it, the author will first explain the definition of the term “religious terrorism”.
5 Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God, 2000. 6 Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, 2006, 81
7 Robert A. Pape, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logicof Suicide Terrorism (New York: Random House, 2005), 23, 38, dan 45; Robert A. Papeand James K. Feldman, Cutting the Fuse: The Explosion of Global Suicide Terrorism and Howto Stopit (Chicago and London: fte Universityof Chicago Press,
Definition of Religious Terrorism
There are two words that need to be explained, namely ‘terrorism’ and ‘religion’. Etymologically, ‘terrorism’ comes from the word terrere (Latin), which means ‘cause (people) to tremble’. Thus, terrorism is intended to scare people. While by definition, the definition of ‘terrorism’ is still being debated by experts working on this issue. As a result, “no single definition is generally accepted.”8 John Horgan asserts that “we are still far from the horizontal (italic of Horgan) terrorism that is approved (in general). ”9 People have different understandings regarding the term terrorism and the scope of its meaning. The people involved in the debate often try to make definitions that suit their needs and interests. Thus, the definition of terrorism is generally a reflection of the political interests and moral judgments of the people who provide the definition. In other words, the decision to label a particular person or organization as a ‘terrorist’ is subjective, depending primarily on whether the person is sympathetic or opposed to the person/group/destination of the person concerned. Therefore, the author will not give a definition of terrorism. Instead, he will provide the characteristics of terrorism based on the definitions given by some experts of terrorism. The characteristics are as follows: First, violence is carried out with other political, religious, and ideological objectives and motives. Among these motives, political motives are most widely mentioned by scientists who examine terrorism. These motives are a separating factor from other forms of violence. Violence committed to obtaining financial gain is not terrorism, although such acts generate fear. Second, an act can be said to be terrorism if it involves violence or the threat of violence. In addition, violence can be categorized as an act of terrorism if the act of violence is planned. In other words, terrorism is not an accidental act, or a sudden criminal act. Third, to be called an act of terrorism, violence must affect the target or audience beyond the immediate target (the victim). Thus, the immediate objective or victim of an act of violence is not the main target. Fourth, terrorism involves state actors or actors who commit violence against non-combatants, ie civilians and soldiers who are not in war. Fifth, terrorism is done by people who are very rational, not irrational or even crazy. In addition to acts of terrorism are not done arbitrarily and sporadically, but the target to be attacked is chosen by the terrorists.10
In choosing the targets to be attacked, the ideology held by any terrorist group is very important, in addition to the resources owned by them, the community’s reaction to the actions of the terrorists, and the level of environmental security that will be targeted. Among these four factors, ideology
8 Robert A. Pape, Dying to Win, h. 33, 39, dan 117.
9 R. Scott Appleby, The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation (New York: Rowman& Littlefield, 2010), 29.
10 Juergensmeyer,Terror in the Mind of God, 5; Joseph S. Tuman, Communicating Terror: The
is of the utmost importance because it not only provides the initial strength to act, but also explains the moral framework as a guide and reference for terrorists in operations. Ideology determines how terrorist members see the world around them and identify enemies by explaining and justifying why certain people or institutions are legitimately targeted to be attacked.11 In this respect, religion also falls into the category of ideology that is like other ideologies (nationalism, communism, Separatism, etc.) provides motivation and justification for acts considered terrorism.
The word ‘religion’ comes from the word religare (Latin) which means
‘binding together’. This understanding shows that religion binds believers into one group or umma. In addition to religare, the word ‘religion’ also comes from the word ‘relegere’ (Latin), which means ‘to do it over and over, to do it seriously’. This sense refers to religious rites that must be repeatedly and seriously. According to William Cavanaugh, ‘religion’ comes from the word religio (ancient Latin), which refers to the powerful demands to perform an act. Religio itself comes from the word re-ligare which means to re-unite or reconnect, which is to rebuild the bond that has been disconnected.12
While ‘religion’, is a difficult term to define. This is as Jonathan Fox and David Loy emphasize that “religion is difficult thing to define.”13 This is because religion is a debatable concept. As a result, says Martin Marty, scientists will never agree on the definition of religion.14 In line with this statement, William Cavanaugh says that scientists are far from agreeing on the definition of religion. 21 Even Allan Aldridge insists that there is no and will never be a universally agreed religious definition.15 TalalAsad provides the reason why there can be no universal religious definition. This as he argued, not only because the elements and relationships that shape religion are historically specific, but also because the definition itself is the result of a historical discourse process.16In line with
Asad’s opinion, William Cavanaugh says that there is no religious concept that transcends history or goes beyond culture. Religion has a history, and what is regarded as a religion and what is not in a particular context depends on the configuration of power and authority,17 namely the power of a liberal modern
11 Jeff Goodwin, “Afteory of Categorical Terrorism”, Social Forces, Vol. 84, No. 4 (June 2007), 2027.
12 John Horgan, The Psychology of Terrorism (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), 137. 13 Abdul MuisNaharong, “Pejuang Kemerdekaan adalah Teroris? Menjelaskan Pengertian Terorisme”, JurnalParamadina, Vol. 9, No. 1 (April 2012), 259 276.
14 C. J. M. Drake,“fte Roleof Ideology in Terrorists’ Target Selection”, Terrorism and Political
Violence,Vol. 10, No. 2 (Summer1998),53-54.
15 Adam Dolnik and Rohan Gunaratna,“ On the Nature of Religious Terrorism”, 343; Drake,“fte Role of Ideology inTerrorists’ Target Selection,”56.
16 Peter L. Berger says that repeatedly performed religious rites are a very important instrument of reminding people of forget fulness (to their Creator). Humans who have forgetful character, Berger said, should always be reminded (Peter L. Berger, The Sacred Canopy: Element sofa Sociological Theory of Religion (Garden City,NY: Doubleday,1969), 40.
nation state as was developed in the West.18 Since the concept of religion comes from Western tradition and in itself reflects the bias of Christianity, as TatsukiKataoka emphasizes that the use of the word ‘religion’ in nonWestern societies, including people in Southeast Asia, is widely disputed. The existing religious traditions must adapt to the standards of Western (Jewish, Christian and Muslim) religions to meet the religious definition equivalent to those religions in the sense required by the field of comparative religion.19 For example, to become a religion according to the standards of Western religions then the supporters of one culture must state that they should at least have teachings about God, the Prophet, the Scriptures, and the rites even though at first they were not so obvious to be put forward in a number of their traditions.
Social sciences scientists usually provide a substantive/exclusive and functional/inclusive definition of religion.20 The definition of a substantive or exclusive religion is a definition that seeks to impose limits on what religion is. For example, it contains beliefs about something called God, the gods, the trans-cendent or the like. Thus this substantive definition limits religion to the socalled ‘world religions’ which clearly have a doctrine of deity known to people in ge ne ral. Therefore, a substantive definition of religion can be considered exclusive.
While the definition of functional emphasis on aspects of religious function (what religion does) for individuals and society in general. This type of definition includes all phenomena that have social, psychological, and/or political functions in human life in the category of religion, although it is clearly secular. Proponents of this functional definition define religion not from the point of what believers believe, but from the point of how they believe it, from that aspect of the role of faith in human life. By using this functional definition then nationalism, communism, capitalism, and all other ideologies and beliefs, as well as soccer, music communities or bands and the like are religions. Thus, functional definitions are inclusive, not confining religion to a very widelyknown religions and beliefs. Even this definition incorporates a secular phenomenon into the category of religion.
In this paper the author will not give a definition of religion. The author only gives some of the elements contained in the phenomenon called religion on the basis of a substantive/exclusive definition of religion. The elements of religion are as follows:
First, the belief there will be God, the gods or the transcendent who are beyond the reach of mankind. Secondly, rituals as a result of beliving in God
Prentice-Hall, 1988), 7.
18 William Cavanaugh, The Myth of Religious Violence (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 62.
19 Jonathan Fox, “Clash of Civilizations and Clash of Religions: Whichis a More Important Determinant of Ethnic Conflict?”, Ethnicities, Vol. 1, No. 3 (2001), 298; William Cavanaugh, The Myth of Religious Violence, h. 107.
and the like. Third, there is society or people as a result of the existence of people who believe in certain religious systems. Fourthly, there are demands upon his followers to behave in accordance with the guidelines given in their Scriptures. Religious terrorism, according to Club de Madrid, can be distinguished into religious terrorism that has political objectives and religious terrorism that have no political or purely religious purpose. The first type of religious terrorism, referred to as religious political terrorism, includes insurgents in Iraq and Afghanistan who use religion as a tool to attract members and justify their actions with political goals.21 These political goals, according to Jessica Stern, It can be an attempt to gain political power so that they can apply the laws of religion in accordance with their interpretation or even control of a particular country or region and justify them with religious texts.22 Whereas the second kind of religious terrorism, which the Club de Madrid calls terrorism Milleniaristic, does not have worldly purposes, but strives to achieve an abstract sacred goal that is difficult to attain. This second type of terrorism group is the most perceived and most fearful among Europeans and the United States. The acts of terrorism perpetrated by this latter group in general are in the framework of revenge23 against something being said/done by a person or a society, even though the perpetrators of violence are not directly affected by the action except the honor and reputation of their religion and prophet. If a community does something that causes a victim or offense, then all members of the community may become the target of violence. Club de Madrid incorporated al-Qaeda into this second type of religious terrorism. According to Club de Madrid, al-Qaeda is the best example of a group that marks the emergence of millennium religious terrorism. Only such groups appear to be attacking in the center of Western countries.24
Daniel Benjamindan Steven Simon also incorporated alQaeda into this second type of religious terrorism group. Both of them say that the 9/11 attacks by members of al-Qaeda are a perfect act of religious devotion. Those who carry out the attacks reveal their motives in terms that are clearly religious and see themselves as implementing God’s will. Their motivation is not a political calculation, a strategic advantage nor an uncontrollable bloodthirsty. The action aims to shame and kill those who oppose the hegemony of God. The 9/11 attack is a cosmic war.25
21 Cavanaugh, The Myth of Religious Violence, 57.
22 Allan Aldridge, Religion in the Contemporary World: A Sociological Introduction(Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000), 23.
23 TalalAsad, Genealogies of Religion: Disciplines and Reasons of Power in Christianityand Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 29.
24 One example of the intervention or role of the ruler in determining whether a belief including religion or not is a case of Confucianism in Indonesia. In 1967 Presidential instructions issued no. 14 which prohibits all forms of expression of Chinese religion and customs in public places including Kong Hu Cu. But in 2000 President Abdurrahman Wahid recognized Kong Hu Cu as a religion parallel to the major religions already in Indonesia.
Based on documents found in the suitcase of Muhammad Atta, the 9/11 leader, Bruce Lincoln says that they vote and define enemies not from a national, racist or political standpoint but as opposed to purely Religious. By using the terminology of alQur’ān, these opposed people are referred to as unbelievers, unbelievers, and allies of Satan, while they are believers and believers of God.26 Their motives, Based on the instructions that guide their last days, very deeply and profoundly religious. It was their religion that influenced Muhammad Atta and 18 others to attack 9/11. Therefore, their deeds are a sacred duty.27 James Jones, on the other hand, explains that religious terrorism is not only motivated by religion, but also by other factors. All terrorism, even religious terrorism, is a multi-dimensional and multi-factor phenomenon.28 In line with this view, Mark Sedgwick says that religious terrorism, including al-Qaeda, has both religious and political objectives.29 Sedgwick shares the goal of religious terrorism into the ultimate/ultimate goals and short-term goals. The ultimate/ultimate purpose is often in an intangible form and is generally determined by the religion or ideology held by the terrorist group.30 In other words, the ultimate goal is religious, while the short-term goals are generally more concrete, often political, just as the objectives of other terrorist groups. Like Sedgwick, Madawi alRasheed and Marat Shterin also say that religious terrorism, including transnational ones such as al-Qaeda, also has political goals in addition to religious objectives. The political objectives of this transnational religious terrorism group are even localized despite the acts of terrorism committed in various parts of the world under religious rhetoric.38
Some scientists who research terrorism say that religious terrorism in addition to having a religious motive also has a political motive because, according to Magnus Ranstrop, the act of terror is also driven by practical political considerations in a particular environmental context.39 In other words, Occurs in a vacuum. Mark Juergensmeyer says that religion is not necessarily violent. Violence can occur only when religious factors coalesce with a particular set of circumstances, political, social and ideological, that is, when religion fuses with violent expressions of social aspirations, personal pride, and movements for political change. Therefore, in order to understand why religious terrorism occurs at this time, the context (historical situation, social situation, and life situation associated with violent incidents) should be considered.40
26 Tatsuki Kataoka,“DeInstitutionalizing Religionin Southeast Asia,” Southeast Asian
Studies, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Desember 2012), 361.
27 Malcolm Hamilton, The Sociology of Religion: Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives, Second Edition (New York: Routledge, 2001), 1819; Stephen J. Hunt, Religion in Western Society
(New York: Palgrave, 2002), 79; William Cavanaugh, The Myth of Religious Violence, 102106.
28 Club de Madrid, Concepts of Terrorism: Analysis of the Rise, Decline, Trends and Risk (Madrid: Club de Madrid, 2008), 77-78
29 Jessica Stern, Terror in the Name of God: Why Religious Militants Kill (New York: Harper Collins, 2003), xx.
According to some of the scientists described above, and borrowing the theoretical causes of terrorism put forward by the Club de Madrid,31 it can be argued that the root cause or precondition of religious terrorism is the particular religious teachings practiced by the perpetrators terror. These religious teachings are factors that prepare the arena for terrorism in the long term. While the cause of triggers (trigger causes or precipitants) of religious terrorism are special events that occurred before the emergence of acts of terrorism.
In the case of the bombing of Imam Samudra and his comrades in Bali, for example, the root cause or precondition is the doctrine of jihād which is believed by them and those of the like as fard} ‘ayn,32 that is a religious doctrine which must be done by every Muslims, just like the pillars of Islam, such as prayer, fasting, and others. In other words, they make jihād the sixth pillar of Islam. The trigger cause or precipitant is a massive bombing carried out by US troops and their allies in Iraq which resulted in a large number of victims in the country (see Endnote 30). Similar to the bombing of Imam Samudra and his colleagues, Timothy McVeigh’s bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City in April 1995 also had a major religious cause, the Christian Identity he embraced. The trigger was the attack on agents of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and US Weapons against the Davidians Branch Sect, led by David Koresh in February and March 1993 in Waco, Texas. This attack ended with the death of all the followers of the sect in the fire that befell their building. Likewise, the attack by Dr. Baruch Goldstein, an extreme Jew, against Muslims performing their morning prayers at Ibrahim Mosque, Hebron in February 1994. The main cause of this event is the Jewish religious teachings of the group it embraces, while the trigger is the annoyance and humiliation of young Arabs on the eve of Purim.
The information given above shows those scientists who discuss religious terrorism have different opinions about the motives and purposes of terrorist acts. In general they recognize that religious terrorism, different from secular terrorism, is driven by religious motives and goals. But they differ on the acts of terrorism they are doing whether it is also motivated by political considerations. This makes it difficult for observers to distinguish between the political and religious realm of terrorist groups. This kind of dilemma is not felt by members and leaders of terrorist groups of Islamic groups because for them religion and politics can not be separated in Islam. For them, Islam does not recognize any differentiation or separation between religion (Islam) and all aspects of life (politics, economy, law, social, etc.). All these aspects are an integral part of religion.
31 Club de Madrid, Concepts of Terrorism, 78.
32 Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, The Age of Sacred Terror: Radical Islam’s War Against
Religious Terrorism and Its Characteristics
The scientist who talks about religion with terrorism is David C. Rapoport. David Rapoport43 has long argued that religion is the driving force behind violence that is categorized as terrorism. In addition, religious zeal and militancy is able to maintain the terrorist movement for long periods of time despite the challenges and obstacles that are not small. For example, the Ftugs Group (a sect in Hinduism) survived for about 6 centuries (7th13th century), the Assassins (Niz}ārī, a sect of Isla (Ismā’īlī) for 2 centuries (10901275), And ZealotsSicaari (Jews) for 27 years (6673 M.) 44 These three groups are seen as a historical precursor to contemporary religious violence and terrorism, and are often described as models for religious terrorism in modern times.
Therefore religion is not an illusion, something unreal, which has no influence on human actions, nor is it a factor used by the leaders of terrorist groups to manipulate their uneducated followers. Also, religion is not a camouflage of an act that actually has a political motivation and purpose as some scientists claim. Religious terrorism is neither an abstract nor a revolt against the modern world. But religion, for Rapoport, is a rational motivation for terrorism. Religious-motivated terrorism is a rational phenomenon, which has existed before modern times, which can be learned and understood. Religion is a tremendous motivating force, which makes men and women willing to take up arms, kill and even sacrifice their souls.
David Rapoport says that the most exciting and unexpected development of recent times is the resurgence of terrorist acts to support the religious or terror goals justified in theological terms. This phenomenon is called by Rapoport as “holy” or “sacred” terror aka terror terror. This phenomenon, says Rapoport, is most prominent in Islam, both within Sunnī and Sy’’ah.33 Therefore, it is not surprising that terrorist acts are more attributed to Islamic groups, even though similar actions are undertaken Also by other penges and sects Until about the early 1980s, says Rapoport, many people still do not want to believe that a person kills because of religious motives and purposes. It is also an important cause why the concept of holy terror is rarely discussed. Many authors of books on terrorism continue to view religion as a cover for political actions, not as a motivating force. One still considers the opinion that religion has the power to move people to take up arms and to wage war and ultimately to win against obstacles that are perceived as impossible to be conquered as an outlaw, and therefore need not be taken seriously. One example he put forward is the murder of President Anwar Sadat in 1981 by members of the alJihād group in Egypt. Although Sadat’s killers say that they killed him because he did not keep his promise to apply Islamic law (Syar’’ah), Mohammad Heikal, a journalist and former Minister of Information
of Egypt, did not believe in the reasons given by Sadat’s killers. Heikal said the reason for their killing was social and economic factors. 46 Scientists using such perspectives, Jeffrey Kaplan said, that Afghan fighters with the help of the CIA and the Pakistani government who fought against the Russian invasion can be understood as struggling people Want to establish a Western democracy in Afghanistan that they will liberate and not because of religious motivation.34
David Rapoport asserted that the main source of the acts that incite the sacred terror are religious doctrines.35 R. Scott Appleby supports Rapoport’s opinion by saying that it is a mistake to assert that violence and terrorism committed in the name of religion must be motivated by Other interests. It is true, as Appleby said that much violence and terrorism cannot be doubted as manipulative and for personal gain, with little or no religious motives at all. But saying all the ipso facto “sacred violence” actions as non-religious is a misunderstanding of religion and undermines its ability to inflict acts of terrorism and deadly conflict.36The
tendency to question and not even believe in this religious motif, according to Peter Berger, generally occurs among social scientists. Those who generally have a secular view say that religious motives are used to legitimize the underlying causes (political, economic, social) underlying an act of terrorism and conflict. Such an opinion, Berger says, is a bias that fails to understand the motivating power of religious beliefs. Berger acknowledges that it is indeed difficult to know the motives that are purely religious, but he believes that the motives of those who commit suicide bombings in the Middle East are genuinely religious as the suicide bombers say.37
These sacred terrorists, according to David Rapoport, find justification for their actions in the past, both in the commandments of God given in ancient times contained in their Scriptures as well as in the interpretations of the deeds (sunna/The trodden path) people from the founding periods of the parent religions. The aims and the means or tools they use in the struggle are destined for holy purposes and therefore can be fully accepted by group members. Therefore, their violence has unique characteristics, distinct from normal, casual profane violence.38 Based on these unique features, some scientists, journalists, consultants and policymakers call religious terrorism As new terrorism, which is different from previous forms of terrorism.
34 Bruce Lincoln, “Holy Terrors: ftinking about Religion after September 11th, 16.
35 James W. Jones, Blood That Cries Out From the Earth: The Psychology of Religious Terrorism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 22.
36 MarkSedgwick, “Al-Qaeda and the Nature of Religious Terrorism,” Terrorism and
Political Violence,” Vol. 16, No. 4 (Winter 2004), 795796.
37 Mark Sedgwick, “Al-Qaeda and the Nature of Religious Terrorism,” 797.
The main component or feature of this religious terrorism, which some scientists call a new terrorism, is the teachings or commandments of religion. This transcendent source of this sacred terror, according to David Rapoport, is the most decisive feature that distinguishes it from other forms of terrorism.39 Similar remarks are expressed by Bruce Hoffman. He said that religious motivation or encouragement is the most important feature of today’s terrorist activities.40 Bruce Hoffman goes on to say that what distinguishes the sacred terror of secular terror is that sacred terror has its own very different value system from secular terror, has a legitimacy mechanism and Justification, and Manichean’s concept of morality and worldview, which divides the world into two opposing groups, good and evil, pagans and believers, justice and injustice. For religious terrorists, the first and foremost violence is the act of the sacrament or the divine duty performed to carry out theological commands and demands. Religious terrorism therefore has a transcendent dimension and as a result the perpetrators ignore the political, moral and practical constraints that may affect secular terrorists in their operationsIn addition, unlike secular terrorists seeking to win sympathy from their supporters and potential supporters, religious terrorists do not seek support and sympathy from anyone but themselves. This is because they are both perpetrators and members involved in a total war. Both of these factors cause holy terrorism to be more destructive and out of control because their goals are endless, and often try to eliminate as many enemies as possible. On this basis some experts who study terrorism say that religious terrorists will try to acquire Weapon of Mass Destruction (WMD). The perpetrators of religious terrorists see themselves not as part of a system that needs to be nurtured and defended but as outsiders seeking to make fundamental changes to the existing order. It also causes religious terrorists to commit extraordinary acts of violence and have unlimited enemy categories to attack.41
Religious terrorism, according to Mark Juergensmeyer, is symbolic. The act of religious terrorism is meant to describe or refer to something outside the immediate objective, for example, a great conquest or an extraordinary struggle. The target enemy is considered a devil, the spiritual enemy of the believers. Therefore, the acts of religious terrorism are not a tactic directed towards a worldly direct goal or strategic goal, but are dramatic events intended to show or show their symbolic meaning. Thus, such acts of terrorism can be analyzed as well as analyzing sacred symbols, rituals or plays.42
In addition to being symbolic, religious terrorism is also a cosmic war or a divine war. The cosmic war, according to Juergensmeyer, is a sacred war greater
39 Magnus Ranstorp, “Terrorism in the Name of Religion,”Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 50, No. 1, 1996, h. 2. Di http://www. ciaonet. org/wps/ram01/, diakses 10/26/2005.
40 Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God, 10. 41 Club de Madrid, Concepts of Terrorism, 6.
than life itself. This kind of war is reminiscent of the great wars of the past, and has a connection with the metaphysical conflicts between good and bad, between truth and falsehood. The terrorists involved in this cosmic war consider themselves to be soldiers involved in sacred battles. They often use the sacred war images found in every religious tradition, such as the wars described in the Old Testament, epic events or epics in Hinduism and Buddhism, and jihadist notions in Islam.43 Based on this jihād’s notion, Islamic terrorists do not understand the acts of violence they commit as terrorism (irāb), but as jihād which, to them, is far ‘ayn. As jihadis, these people believe that they act as “true believers”44.
What makes religious violence cruel and without mercy, says Juergensmeyer, is that the perpetrators place the religious image of the divine war/struggle-the cosmic-to serve worldly-worldly battles. For this reason, the act of religious terror serves not only as a tactic in a political strategy but also as a reminder of a larger spiritual confrontation.45
David Rapoport and Bruce Hoffman denied the claim that religious terrorism is a newly emerging terrorism. They say that religious relations with terrorism have lasted for more than two thousand years. 60 Rapoport explains that before the 19th century, religion provided the only acceptable justification of terror. These sacred terrorists believe that only transcendent purposes can justify acts of terror. 61 Rapoport mentions three religious terrorist groups existing in that period, namely ftugs, Assassins, and Zealots-Sicaari.46
Ftugs members intercept people traveling and strangle them to death so as not to bleed because this blood is dedicated to Kali (also known as Durga, Bhavani, and Devi), the god of terror and destruction. The ftugs believe that they are obliged to give blood to Kali, their creator, to maintain the balance of the world. They deliberately slowed the deaths of the strangled victims to show the terror of their victims in order to please Kali. The ftugs do not require people to witness their deeds because their audience is primarily the god of Kali. In performing its operations, ftugs only pay attention to three aspects, namely those who carried out the attack (their own), their victims, and the god Kali.
43 David C. Rapoport, “fte Four Waves of Modern Terrorism,”; David C. Rapoport, “Sacred Terror: A Contemporary Example From Islam,” dalamWalter Reich, ed., Origins of Terrorism: Psychologies, Ideologies, Theologies,States of Mind, 103130 (New York: Cambridge University Press,
1990); David C. Rapoport, “Messianic Sanctions for Terror. comparative Politics,” Vol. 20, No. 2 (January 1988), h. 195213; David C. Rapoport, “Fear and Trembling: Terrorism in ftree Religious Traditions,” The American Political Science Review, Vol. 78, No. 3 (September 1984), 658677; David
C. Rapoport, “Terror and the Messiah: An Ancient Experience and Some Modern Parallels,” dalam David C. Rapoport and Yonah Alexander, eds. The Morality of Terrorism: Religious and
Secular Justifications (New York: Columbia University Press), 1982.
44 David C. Rapoport, “Fear and Trembling: Terrorism in ftreeReligious Traditions,”660 672;Hoffman,InsideTerrorism:RevisedandExpandedEdition, 83-84.
Unlike ftugs, the Assassins have motivation and religious and political objectives. Their aim is to carry out the obligations ordered by Islam and purify this religion, which is to build a society whose religious and political institutions are not separate. This step will create a state for the coming of ImāmMahdī. If ftugs takes into account three things in its operation, the Assassins seek to attain the fourth element, the audience, the public or a moral community whose sympathy and support is endeavored to be aroused by actions of interest. To achieve this goal they kill enemies made up of important people who are held responsible in blocking da’wah and ignoring warnings to change behavior.
By choosing a place like this and the weapon in the form of a dagger they use is meant so that they can be caught and then killed. They made no attempt to escape. Even considered embarrassing if they are not killed in carrying out a mission. In other words, members of the Assassins group who were on a murder mission against the people who considered their enemy deliberately looking for martyrdom (dead syahīd). The mission they embrace is regarded as jihād, a religious sacrifice that frees them from guilt and from all the sins they have committed, and thus they can enter heaven. Such beliefs are also shared by the suicide bombers of today’s Islamic groups. This is not strange because the Assassins, like those suicide bombers, are also Islamic groups even from a sect in Shī’ah Ismā’īlī.
Zealots-Sicarii has some similarities with the Assassins. Both of them are inspired by the coming hope of Messiah, or ImāmMahdī in Islam, and seek maximum publicity. Both of them also believe in the concept of martyrdom, that the people who fall in the struggle to get a place in heaven. As with the Assassins, Zealots-Sicarii also uses political solutions, in the form of political violence, for religious matters. In the case of this Jewish group, the political solution took the form of a massive campaign against Jews and Gentiles. Their attacks were carried out during the day in front of the crowd to send a message to the Roman authorities and the Jews. As with the Assassins, Zealots-Sicarii also uses a dagger (Sicarii, a man who wears a dagger) in his mission.
Based on the description just given to these three groups, it can be said that ftugs have religious motivation and purpose. They have no complaints of either economic or social nature, nor do they make demands of a political nature. Borrowing the Sedgwick classification as described at the beginning of this paper, the final/major and shortterm objectives of the ftugs group are religious. While Assassins and Zealots Sicarii have a final/main purpose of a religious nature while their short-term goals are political.
From the explanation of the three groups, it can be said that religiously motivated terrorism is almost as old as the major religions themselves. Rapoport explains that although the holy terror seems to be a new phenomenon, as some scientists have observed terrorism, but before the French Revolution this holy terror was the dominant form of terror and perhaps even the only form of terror. Since it appears, the holy terror has never disappeared completely, and there are signs of this kind of terror being resurrected lately in new and extraordinary forms.47
It’s just that over the past few decades, this religiously motivated terror, said Bruce Hoffman, a closure by terrorism motivated by ideology and ethno nationalist/separatist. For example, none of the 11 international terrorist groups known to be active in 1968, the year which is considered the emergence of modern international terrorism, can be classified as religious terrorism.48 It’s just that over the past few decades, this religiously motivated terror, said Bruce Hoffman, a closure by terrorism motivated by ideology and ethno nationalist/separatist. For example, none of the 11 international terrorist groups known to be active in 1968, the year which is considered the emergence of modern international terrorism, can be classified as religious terrorism.49 Therefore, it is not surprising that Rapoport calls this period the fourth wave of modern terrorism, the “religious wave”, 67 from 1979 to the present, and Islam is at the center of the wave of religious terrorism.50
Rapoport presents two reasons for this statement: first, that Islamic groups carry out the most meaningful and deadly and highly international attack; Second, equally important, is that the political events that provide hope for the emergence of the fourth wave come from Islam, and the success achieved from these political events seems to affect religious terrorist groups in various places.
Although there is no direct evidence of such relations or influence, but the sequence of events of religious terrorism can be evident. After Islam, from the 1980s to the 1990s, some Sikh extremist groups committed several acts of terrorism, including the killing of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by his two Sikh
47 Jeffrey Kaplan, “David Rapoport and the Study of Religiously Motivated Terrorism,” dalam Jean E. Rosenfeld, ed., Terrorism, Identityand Legitimacy: The Four Waves Theory and Political Violence, 6684 (New York: Routledge, 2011), 74.
48 David C. Rapoport, “Fear and Trembling: Terrorism in ftree Religious Traditions,” 672. 49 R. Scot Appleby, The Ambivalence of the Sacred, 30.
