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KEMENTERIAN PENDIDIKAN, KEBUDAYAAN, RISET, DAN

TEKNOLOGI Balai Arkeologi Maluku

Kapata Arkeologi, 17(2) 2021, 121—130 p-ISSN: 1858-4101, e-ISSN: 2503-0876

KAPATA ARKEOLOGI

S

CIENTIFIC

J

OURNAL OF

A

RCHAEOLOGY AND

C

ULTURAL

S

TUDIES

Accredited by the Indonesian Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education (RISTEKBRIN)

https://kapata-arkeologi.kemdikbud.go.id/

: 10.24832/kapata.v17i2.121-130

T HE B ANJAR E LITE R ESPONSE TO E THICAL P OLICY 1900—1942 ON

E DUCATION A SPECT

Noor Hasanah

Universitas Islam Negeri Antasari Banjarmasin

Jl. A. Yani No. KM. 4,5, Banjarmasin Timur, Banjarmasin 70235, Indonesia san.hasanah@gmail.com

Received: 22/06/2021; revisions: 06/07/2021 — 11/08/2021; accepted: 20/12/2021

Abstract

The existence and development of educational institutions in Banjar, South Kalimantan, as a reaction to Etische Politiek (Dutch Ethical Policy) are relatively rapid. However, the research related to it still seems minimal, often only in the form of biographies of figures, scholars, and the history of Islam believed by the Banjarese. The research aims to prove that although the Dutch colonials applied the Ethical Policy as a limitation of indigenous education rights, the elites who were ulama (Islamic clerics), intellectuals, and traders responded to these rules by forming rival educational institutions, both those based on nationalism and those bas ed on Islam. This research uses a socio-intellectual history and historical-critical approach. These methods are used because it observes the history of the education movement in Banjar as a response to education organized by the Dutch. This approach aims to describe historical events that are directly related to education in Banjar. This research takes the following steps: heuristics, verification or criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Then, the data found are written chronologically according to the historical records of the historical writers. The research shows that Ethical Policy on the education aspect did not significantly influence the Banjarese because they preferred madrasa or pesantren for school, as well as nationalist schools, which consistently fostered a sense of love for the homeland and the spirit of independence.

Keywords: Banjar; Intellectual elites; South Kalimantan; Ethical Policy; education

I

NTRODUCTION

Etische Politiek, or Ethical Policy, was enforced by the Dutch colonials from 1900 to 1942 throughout Dutch East Indies (Indonesian Archipelago), including South Kalimantan. Before implementing the Ethical Policy, the Dutch colonial had already implemented the Cultuurstelsel or Cultivation System Policy and the Politics of Association. Cultuurstelsel was a form of exploitation by European capitalists against indigenous Indonesians. Indonesians are only treated as plantation and agricultural workers who were subject to certain taxes and paid very low, even unusual salaries.

Meanwhile, the Association Politics was a policy by the Dutch colonial to fuse European culture with the original Indonesian culture. So, in the end, the Indonesians had high loyalty to the Dutch, and slowly their Indonesian identity faded. This association policy was initiated by an official advisor to the Dutch East Indies government named Snouck Hurgronje (Suminto, 1985: 39;

Syaifullah, 1997: 51). In terms of the Dutch efforts to approach the Indonesians, he had a significant role.

In the letter dated May 18, 1890, in Bundle Besluit No. 4, June 1890, Snouck Hurgronje stated that the Politics of Association was programmed through a Western-style education route by traditionalizing European culture in educational institutions. The Dutch East Indies government organizes this program in various parts of Indonesia. The purpose of this program was for the Indonesian native generation to be associated with European countries and cultures so that their cultural identity begins to fade. This program was also intended to separate Islam from the social and political aspects so that the Muslim community is only concentrated on ritual issues without dealing with the socio-political order (Hurgronje, 1890). It is known that Islam is the most widely practiced religion in Indonesia.

Due to the many objections raised by Indonesian leaders, the Association Politics was replaced with a new policy called the Ethical Policy. Unfortunately, it has the same aims as Association Politics. The new policy just changed the name, treating the discrimination, harassing, and abandoning Indonesians are colonial characteristics

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(Susanto, 2017). The slogan of Ethical Policy is irrigation, education, and emigration. At the beginning of its implementation, the Dutch colonial stated that the Ethical Policy was a policy of Dutch acknowledgment for Indonesia, as evidenced by the establishment of schools, hospitals to cure infectious diseases, irrigating rice fields, and others. However, in reality, it is not so.

The Ethical Policy was a Dutch attempt to expand, pacify, and exploit (Hayes, 1945: 349; Saleh, 1986: 20).

The Ethical Policy slogan shifted. Their promise has begun to change. The procurement of intensive irrigation to increase plantation and agricultural yields aims to increase Dutch foreign exchange to pay debts on the European market. On the educational aspect, the Dutch colonials wanted to promote European-style education to produce low-level employees and cover the need for cheap labor. Meanwhile, the intensive emigration program outside Java was intended to distribute low-paid labor to Dutch factories and administrative offices (Soeratman, 1989: 29). Whereas indigenous workers are commonly subjected to oppression, duping, and arbitrariness (Harum, 2017). This fact means that the Dutch colonials wanted to expand the territory of the colonies to all parts of Indonesia, recruiting local workers who could be employed at low-paid and also for the exploitation of natural resources. Of course, this is no longer an attempt to repay Indonesia as promised. Even the title inlander attached to natives tends to be derogatory as a differentiator between Chinese, Arab, and others (Basundoro, 2012: 2).

The island's economy has long been very complex in Kalimantan Island through international trade relations with other nations (Wadley, 2005). Moreover, Banjarmasin is an international trading port in South Kalimantan. The natural potential in South Kalimantan was considered capable enough to be exploited to increase the Dutch foreign exchange, which at that time was experiencing many losses due to the war in Java and also as an effect of prestige competition with other European countries. Various efforts were made to increase the country's foreign exchange for economic stability.

Initially, the Dutch did not consider South Kalimantan (referred to as Banjar, referring to the tribe that inhabits the area) and other islands outside Java. So, it is not surprising that previously they only carried out exploitation on Java Island. However, after knowing the natural potential of the outer islands, they began to expand their influence on these islands. In addition, they have also suffered many losses due to the war in Java. So there is a need to increase foreign exchange. It is known that Banjar has natural potential for pepper, camphor, and diamonds (Kartodirdjo et al., 1992: 382). In addition, Gilman (2019: 257) also mentioned that other mineral wealth found on Kalimantan Island are gold, diamonds, silver, tin, oil, sulfur, and tin. So, if considered economically, Kalimantan Island is quite tempting to exploit. Moreover, Banjar has prestige as an international trading port where the Banjar Sultanate has closely cooperated in conducting trade with other nations.

Figure 1. Queen Wilhelmina reads the Speech from the Throne of 1914. From the same place, she announced the ethical policy for the East Indies in 1901 and again paid attention to it.

(Source: Tropenmuseum)

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As mentioned earlier, Ethical Policy is focused on three aspects: education, emigration, and irrigation. All aspects gave the impression of Dutch empathy for the improvement of the human resources and economy of the indigenous people. In fact, it was intended for the interests of the Dutch themselves. In the aspect of education, at that time, the Dutch colonial was aggressively building schools, but the fact was that these schools prioritized the upper middle class. It is known that in 1930 alone, only about 8% of school-age children in Indonesia were able to have formal education (Vaisutis, 2007: 41). The opportunity to go to school was always accompanied by the selection requirements for status, wealth, position, ancestry background, age, and education level of the students' parents (Gouvernements Nederlandsch-Indie, 1914). The opportunity to go to school is challenging for the natives to access (Ngabiyanto et al., 2019). The opportunity to get an education is not for everyone, only for the rich (Amini, 2012: 134). While their number is not much, this discrimination negatively affected society.

Religious education was considered general lessons and could only be given outside school hours. Therefore, the Dutch colonial government did not allow religious education in the public schools they managed but permitted private (particular) religious schools (Daulay, 2016: 11–12). These private schools have not been given subsidies. Even the issuance of operational permits is complicated. In addition, its implementation is also closely monitored, and religious teaching is also regulated. Any Islamic religious lessons that the teacher wants to teach must first be reported to the Dutch government. Teachers who have not reported following the provisions will be subject to certain sanctions or penalties (Bala Tentara Islam, 1924). Among those that must be reported are the curriculum, materials, and books to be taught. All the time, the Dutch government controlled everything. This condition has made it challenging to train religious characters and make them realize to love Indonesia as a homeland. For Islamic

schools, without subsidies was not a big problem. They were considered receiving subsidies resulted in great attachment to the Dutch colonial. The decision that was also taken by Rahmah el-Yunusiyyah when developing the Padang Panjang Diniyyah College (Abdullah, 2016:

68).

Snouck Hurgronje, in his letter, addressed to the Governor-General dated April 30, 1904, emphasized to the government to supervise the Al-Quran teachers and pilgrims (Hurgronje & Gobée, 1965). The recommendation was based on the consideration that the recitation they organized could raise the spirit to fight against the Dutch and strengthen the spirit of independence. It is feared that it will affect the continuity of the Dutch government and exploitation in Indonesia.

Even the charisma of teachers, kyai, or ulama (Islamic cleric) can influence people's loyalty to the Dutch (Bruinessen, 1995: 18). That is why religious figures and leaders are highly suspected and monitored. For the Banjar people, ulama are considered community leaders.

Their opinions are often used as a reference for determining social-community affairs. Even associating with them becomes a matter of pride for the sake of expecting blessings. Therefore, the advice of the ulama to send their children to Islamic schools to maintain their faith became a saying (papadah) that the Banjar people obeyed. Thus, in the end, schools based on Islam were more in demand by the community than schools organized by the Dutch.

The education policy by the Dutch East Indies government became one of the factors that had a significant influence on the development and revision of the education system (Emalia, 2006: 83). Ethical policies that discriminated against and did not support the development of education for local people had motivated the elites to carry out educational reforms. In particular, Islamic education is indeed more in demand by the public. It should also be realized that the quality of Islamic education at that time was irrelevant, weak, and uncompetitive. It only teaches religion without general Figure 2. View of the market activity and mosque on the

Martapura Riverside, circa early 20th century (Source:Tropenmuseum)

Figure 3. Agricultural school for local people in Java. It was built in the period of ethical politics

(Source:Tropenmuseum)

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knowledge with a conventional teaching system. There is no explicit curriculum, level increase, or standard rules for implementing education. So, there is no clear, measurable vision and mission for implementing education. At the same time, the quality of education is a determining element of the fate of Muslims.

Based on all these considerations, the renewal of Islamic education becomes very important. As mentioned by Steenbrink (1986: 47), among the factors that triggered the Muslim elite to reform Islam in the 20th century was a form of resistance to colonialism and the spirit to meet the quality educational needs of the community. It is known that until the 20th century, the Dutch controlled almost all sectors of the Indonesian Archipelago. The Dutch control was not for the welfare of the Indonesian people. The local Indonesian people were treated only as laborers with meager wages, while the profits from Indonesian crops were used for the welfare of the Dutch. The monopolized sectors were trade, agriculture, plantation, maritime, forestry, and mining. The monopolization dramatically affected the Indonesian people's social, economic, and educational conditions (Furchan, 2002: 45). The local people became enslaved in their land. They fought for education reform in South Kalimantan, especially Islamic education.

M

ETHODS

This research is a literature study on local history.

The purpose of this study is to analyze past events, so the method used is the historical method (Suryabrata, 2006:

72) which tries to examine the traces of the history of education in Banjar, South Kalimantan. This research has also used the socio-intellectual history research method because it observes the history of the education movement in Banjar as a response to education managed by the Dutch, which is considered to be able to distance the Muslim generation from the teachings of their religion. This research approach is historical-critical.

This approach is used to describe historical events that

found are written chronologically according to the historical records of the historical writers.

The primary references in this research are texts and documentation related to the movement and existence of education in South Kalimantan from 1900 to 1942, which is the period when the Ethical Policy was enacted.

Both regulatory documents, news in newspapers and magazines, and other in addition to books that directly discuss Islamic education in Banjar at that time. The secondary sources are all texts and documentation that help to analyze the primary sources, for example, references related to South Kalimantan, educational reform, etcetera.

Referring to Gottschalk (1983: 18), related to historical research, the steps taken for this research are:

1) Heuristics. That is the efforts to collect data for a particular era that is considered relevant,

2) Verification or criticism. That is eliminating materials or data that are considered inauthentic, 3) Interpretation. Which is the process of concluding the

material or information obtained, and

4) Historiography is the compilation of data or information into a research report.

Thus, methodologically, this research can be justified.

Because following the provisions of historical research.

R

ESULT AND

D

ISCUSSION

As previously mentioned, through Ethical Policy, the management of local Indonesian education was controlled centrally by the Dutch colonial and discriminatory. This policy has a direct effect on limiting the opportunities for local people to gain teaching rights.

In addition, the policy also complicates the development of Islamic educational institutions. This fact leads to the narration that there is a mutually influencing correlation between economic-social-political issues and education.

The idea is that education can be used to achieve economic-social-political goals. The narration is in line with Subroto's (2014) statement that there is a causal relationship between the role of education and economic growth. Investment in education is for long-term economic growth. That is why the Dutch designed education tailored to the colonial needs and their economic interests in Indonesia (Hendri, 2017). Instead of bringing in experts from their country of origin, which of course costs a lot. Therefore, Ethical policies were taken to adapt education in Indonesia to the needs of the Dutch colonials.

The Dutch colonized Indonesian Archipelago for the motivation of heroic lust or the prestige of competition among other European nations (J. Mjn, 1959: 552–562).

The colonization also brought the Dutch to South Kalimantan. Whereas, initially, Kalimantan Island was not looked at before. The Dutch invaded Java incessantly.

Then the story changed when it became known that Figure 4. Potrait of Ulama (Islamic cleric)

(Source:Tropenmuseum)

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natural potential is not only abundant in Java. Therefore, to launch a colonial mission to control its colonies economically, socially, and politically, the Dutch used the educational aspect to instill their influence in the Indonesian people. Even the Dutch suppressed any movement that hindered the colonial (Koesrianti, 2014:

80).

Educational Institutions Founded by Local Elites in South Kalimantan during the Ethical Policy Period

It must be acknowledged that Dutch established educational institutions in South Kalimantan. However, it was actually to support the power of the Dutch government in recruiting bureaucratic workers so that there was no need to bring in workers from the Dutch.

This method was undoubtedly more economical, as discussed above. In South Kalimantan, ulama, in particular, occupies a decisive position. They foster social harmony and balance. They play a prominent role in social change (Makmur, 2012). In the colonial era, their role was seen in efforts to organize Islamic education and maintain the unity of the ummah.

Based on research findings, a significant contribution to South Kalimantan during the education reform movement in Banjar came from the intellectual elite.

They are the middle class consisting of:

1) Ulama or religious teachers who are not civil servants.

Some students are alumni of classical education called the kaum tuha. They mobilized the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Musyawaratthalibin organizations.

Some are religious elites with aggressive and dynamic spirits gathered in the Muhammadiyah organization or the kaum muda. This group initiates Islamic-based educational institutions by not forgetting to teach general sciences such as Mathematics, reading, and writing the alphabet.

2) Scholars who are alumni of Dutch schools or private schools drive the establishment of Taman Siswa and Parindra Schools. The school they initiated was a school with a nationalist basis. So the spirit of loving the homeland and defending the country becomes the central vision in their school.

3) Export-import traders who are open-minded and knowledgeable also have experience interacting directly with communities outside Banjar. Generally they become donors (Pemerintah Propinsi Kalimantan Selatan, 2003: 271).

The three groups mentioned above are aware of the importance of the equal distribution of education for every citizen. They realized every individual has the same right to have an education. Moreover, in Islam, there is a recommendation to seek knowledge (el-Mawqa el-Rasmi Li Sihamah el-Sheikh Abd el-Aziz ben Abdellah Ali el-Sheikh, 2021).

Although the educational institutions (mainly Islamic) that they initiated were still in the pilot stage, they have used modern teaching facilities with a curriculum adapted to the needs of modernity—for example, the use of tables, blackboards, and chairs. Also, a curriculum that contains religion and general sciences.

This shows the Muslim middle elite's awareness of

Figure 5. The members of the Musyawaratutthalibin in Banjarmasin, an organization founded and active from 1931 to 1942, are based on the descendants of Sarekat Islam, Nahdlatul Ulama, and Muhammadiyah. Sitting in the middle,

wearing a white turban and holding a wooden cane, is Syaikh Salim Jindan, the ulama from Hadramaut.

(Source:Wajidi, 2007; Syaharuddin, 2017: 207)

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regeneration and responding to the challenges of modernity. The educational institutions pioneered by the three elites in South Kalimantan during the Ethical Policy period are as follows.

Madrasah Diniyah al-Khairiyah Islamiyah (Banjarmasin)

In 1903, Arabs who were members of the Musaadatul Ikhwan organization founded the Madrasah Diniyah Al- Khairiyah Islamiyah located in Banjarmasin. (Nawawi, 1992: 92). Although this institution is fully sponsored by Arabs who live in Banjarmasin, the opportunity to study at this madrasa was also very open to non-Arabs. The management already has a modern system, such as implementing the classical system and using other facilities and infrastructure used in Dutch schools. In addition, this school also teaches sciences related to Islam, earth science, and algebra.

Initially, this organization was concerned with trade and economic motivations. However, when they found out that the Banjar people believed in Islam, there was a consideration to organize an education driven by the al- Irsyad and Jami'at al-Khair organizations. Their activities and participation in the development of Islam and education intensify their interaction with the Banjar community. So that in the end, many married local people and gave birth to Arab Peranakan (Indo-Arabic) (Sihbudi, 1997: 22). Thus, there are quite a lot of Arab Peranakans in South Kalimantan. So there are several places called Kampung Arab which means Arab Villages.

Many Arabs are spread in Banjarmasin and Martapura because trade was busier in these two areas.

The intense social interaction between them and the Banjar people has given its influence. One of their influence was the popularity of the Arabic-Malay script applied to writing, lessons, and speeches (Nawawi, 1984:

25). For 17 years to survive, then in 1920, their pioneering madrasa was closed because Musaadatul Ikhwan did not manage it anymore. However, several years later, this madrasa was reactivated even though its development was not as fast as other Islamic educational institutions. Responding to this reality, the al-Irsyad organization built a similar madrasa in Martapura called the Assalam madrasa. Until 2021, this madrasa still exists with many registrants. The location is very close to the Darussalam Martapura Islamic Boarding School.

Its survival shows pretty good management.

Pondok Pesantren Darussalam (Martapura)

This Islamic boarding school was initiated in 1914 in Martapura. Several references mention that this pesantren is sponsored by the Sarekat Islam organization, one of them is M. Idwar Saleh (Saleh, 1986), Yustan Aziddin (Aziddin, 1981: 133), and Ramli Nawawi (Nawawi, 1992: 70–71). However, a different opinion was conveyed by Guru Antung Shuria (Haji Gusti Shuria Rum) as a witness to the history of the establishment of the Darussalam Islamic Boarding School. He said that this pesantren was established as a realization of the needs of many people for the existence of Islamic Figure 6. The members of the Sarekat Islam in Banjarmasin in 1920. Sitting in a chair is Maradja Sajoethi Loebis, a

scholar of the Sarekat Islam in South Kalimantan.

(Source:Wajidi, 2007; Syaharuddin, 2017: 198)

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religious education in the city of Martapura. This pesantren has no affiliation with Sarekat Islam, even though at that time a popular Islamic community organization was Sarekat Islam (personal interview, January 6th 2010).

In Darussalam, learning is concentrated on the religious sciences based on the ahl sunnah wa al-jamâ'ah and the Shafi'i. Since the beginning, this pesantren only aims to educate its students to be able to become religious community leaders. So, not to work in the government sector (employees). As of 2021, Darussalam will be 106 years old. The number of students who reach tens of thousands shows that public interest in studying at this pesantren is still high, even though the learning only focuses on Islamic religious sciences.

Wathaniah School (Banjarmasin)

In 1915, the Banjarmasin branch of the Sarekat Islam (SI) inaugurated the Wathaniah School in Pekapuran, Banjarmasin (Saleh, 1986: 35). The process of permitting the establishment of this school was not an easy thing. It must go through a series of complicated Dutch government administration and bureaucracy.

Even after obtaining official permission, the implementation of learning received strict supervision and control from the Dutch government (Aziddin, 1981:

133). The lessons given at Wathaniah School consist of religious lessons and general lessons as well.

Particuliere Hollands Inlandshe School (Banjarmasin) Like Wathaniah School, in 1915, the Sarekat Islam Banjarmasin branch established the Sarekat Islam club.

This club was a non-formal discussion and teaching center and a private Holland Inlands School (HIS) in Pasar Lama. This school is also known as Particuliere Hollands Inlandshe School (Pemerintah Propinsi Kalimantan Selatan, 2003: 265–266).

Muhammadiyah Schools

Ahmad Dahlan initiated the Muhammadiyah organization on November 18, 1912. This movement focused on Islamic education, and da'wah began to expand its influence nationally in 1917 (Noer, 1996: 86–

87). Muhammadiyah has adopted a curriculum concept that integrates religious knowledge and general knowledge. Muhammadiyah schools were considered to match the progress of Dutch, Catholic, and Protestant schools at that time. (Sucipto, 2005: 68). It is believed that Muhammadiyah's openness to the concept of curriculum integration is the reason behind the provision of periodic subsidies from the Dutch government and the payment of teacher salaries to be borne by the Dutch government. Nevertheless, the spirit of the struggle against colonialism continues to be kindled to the students (Maarif, 2000: 3).

Artha (1970: 18) noted that this organization began to exist in Banjarmasin in 1926. While in other literature,

it was mentioned in a different year, which is 1922 (Nawawi, 1992: 61–62; Pemerintah Propinsi Kalimantan Selatan, 2003: 267). In South Kalimantan, Muhammadiyah has played a significant role in reforming Islamic education. Many Islamic educational institutions have been successfully pioneered to fulfill the learning needs of citizens. These schools are:

a) Standart School atau Vervolg School Met Den Qor’an (Alabio 1922) with a study period of 5 years (Nawawi, 1992: 61–61; Pemerintah Propinsi Kalimantan Selatan, 2003: 267).

b) HIS Met Den Qor'an dan Wustha School (Alabio) with a study period of 3 years.

c) Muhammadiyah Elementary Schools in Banjarmasin.

These are Teluk Tiram (1929) and Kelayan (1932), and HIS Muhammadiyah on Jalan Kalimantan (Syahran, 1972: 17).

Madrasah Wathaniyah Diniyah Islamiyah or Sekolah Islam Pandai (Kandangan)

The establishment of this madrasa was a manifestation of the mandate of Hadji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto as the head of Sarekat Islam, who has visited South Kalimantan 3 times. He suggested that every branch of Sarekat Islam should be held madrasah (Nawawi, 1992: 90). So it is known that the organization of this madrasa is under the guidance of Sarekat Islam in South Kalimantan. Moreover, besides teaching religious knowledge, this madrasa also taught algebra and other general subjects. These subjects were considered to support people's needs in a modern context (Nawawi, 1992: 93). Schools in Java imitated the teaching methods by adapting to the context of South Kalimantan at that time.

Arabische School or Ma’had Rasyidiyah Khalidiyah (Amuntai)

This pesantren was established by Tuan Guru Abdur Rasyid, who studied in Egypt in 1928. This educational institution is in the form of a boarding school and is known to be still active today. Just like the madrasas mentioned earlier, this pesantren teaches general and religious knowledge. The learning also applied the traditional system.

Madrasah Syafi'iyah

In 1930 an organization called Musyawaratutthalibin held madrasas known as Shafi'iyah Madrasas. Syafi'iyah madrasas with ibtidaiyah or primary school level were widely spread in several villages in Kandangan. These were in Wasah, Padang Batung, Angkinang, Kelua, and Alabio. The higher level is tsanawiyah, or junior high school level, located in Rantau. The highest level of this madrasa is Normal Islam Rantau, located in the town of Rantau (Nawawi, 1992: 47).

The level of study at the Madrasah Normal Islam Rantau is ibtidaiyah for four years and tsanawiyah for

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three years. At the tsanawiyah level, Arabic and English are used as the language of instruction in teaching. In addition, students are also trained to make speeches as a preparation to become muballigh or preachers. Thus, this school is multilingual and trains public speaking. The multilingual teaching shows the modernization of education in South Kalimantan. The distribution of madrasas by Musyawaratutthalibin has shown that the implementation of Islamic education in villages is progressing, as in the cities of Martapura, Banjarmasin, and Amuntai. So the learning rights of the people in the village are also fulfilled.

Schools under the guidance of the Persatuan Perguruan Islam

In 1935 there was a deliberation between H. Mansyur, who had studied in Egypt, and Haji Mukhtar and Haji As'ad, who had studied in Mecca with citizen leaders.

This meeting was held to discuss the concept of developing perguruan (educational institution) that could accommodate disadvantaged communities due to the discrimination policy on learning rights at that time.

This deliberation resulted in the decision to hold a madrasa in the village of Pantai Hambawang and Jatuh (Nawawi, 1992: 52–53).

This deliberation also became the background for the Persatuan Perguruan Islam (Islamic School Association).

Furthermore, this perguruan gave rise to the idea of uniforming the curriculum as a reference for Islamic educational institutions in South Kalimantan. Thus, the Persatuan Perguruan Islam function as the coordinator of

Islamic educational institutions for curriculum uniformity. The exceptions were the Darussalam Martapura Islamic Boarding School and the Rasyidiyah Khalidiyah Amuntai Islamic Boarding School because both already have their teaching guidelines and curriculum for their students.

The period of study for the madrasas of the Persatuan Perguruan Islam is awaliyah (elementary school level) for three years, ibtidaiyah (primary school level) for three years, tsanawiyah (junior high school level) for three years, and aliyah (senior high school level) for three years. The religious subjects taught include Nahwu (Arabic syntax), Sharaf (Arabic linguistics), Imla (spell and write Arabic), Khat (Arabic calligraphy), Bayan (Arabic speaking fluency), science, and history. While the general knowledge taught were algebra, writing, and reading alphabet letters.

Sekolah Taman Siswa

Sekolah Taman Siswa was initiated by Ki Hadjar Dewantara in Yogyakarta on July 3, 1922. This school has based its teaching on local Indonesian culture and the spirit of nationalism (Dewantara, 1933). This nationalist spirit was brought by H. Arif, a trader of Banjar-Javanese descent. He went to South Kalimantan to establish a Particuliere Holland Inlandsche School (PHIS). This school was founded in 1929 in Marabahan (Aziddin, 1981: 136). In this school, the youths are taught a scouting exercise called Borneo Padvinder Organisatie (BPO), which later became Kepanduan Bangsa Indonesia (KBI) (Aziddin, 1981: 137).

Figure 7. Pesantren activities in several places in Indonesia around the early 20th century (Source:Tropenmuseum)

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In addition to this, many scouting organizations are fostered directly by community organizations by highlighting their respective characteristics. For example, Ansor scouting by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Hizbul Wathan scouting fostered by Muhammadiyah as well as scouting fostered by the Partai Nasional Indonesia (Anshari, 2003: 59). This scouting was also of interest to the younger generation of its time, because it provided insight into the spirit to defend the homeland from colonialism, and also provided themselves with the skills of agility.

Perguruan Rakyat Parindra School or Taman Medan Antara (Kandangan)

This school was founded in 1937 with the approval of Hoofd Bestur Parindra in Surabaya. In 1939 this school was merged with a school managed by the Dutch colonial government so that it changed its name to Inheensche Hollandsche School (IHS) (Aziddin, 1981:

137). This merger resulted in the school not having a nationalist character anymore because it was the same as Dutch schools. Then Parindra re-established Volkschool- level schools with the party's self-help funds. In addition, funds come from donations from donors who have participated in non-formal discussions and profits from the results of the Parindra cooperative (Nawawi, 1992:

68–70).

After the detailed description above, it can be understood that in the field of education, many community organizations are behind the establishment of educational institutions in South Kalimantan (Saleh, 1986). The community organizations are Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, Musyawaratutthalibin, Al- Irsyad, and others, as mentioned in the findings of this research. In addition, traders are ready to donate assets for independent education. So the rules severely limiting education in Indonesia through Ethical Policy seem to have no meaning in South Kalimantan.

As stated by Mahmud Yunus (1992), Hardi (1993), and Vlekke (2008), Dutch colonialism affected Indonesia as a challenge and threat of destruction, bringing ignorance, poverty, destitution, backwardness, and misery to Indonesia. Therefore, this research dispels the notion that the Dutch invasion of Indonesia only resulted in setbacks and misery for the colonized nation.

In fact, on the contrary, the condition of being colonized in particular aspects can create enthusiasm for revitalizing education because it is motivated by competition with the colonizers, as happened in South Kalimantan. That colonialism became a motivation for reforming the education system.

C

ONCLUSION

The Dutch colonials have indeed enforced the Ethical Policy. However, it does not have a significant impact on the Banjar people. It did not make any sense at all.

Dominantly, local communities prefer educational institutions initiated by elites (ulama, intellectuals, and traders) to fulfill their learning rights, such as madrasas and pesantren, in addition to schools that instill the spirit of nationalism. Schools managed by the Dutch do not teach about Islam, so they are considered to be able to damage the faith and spirit of nationalism of generations.

Educational institutions in South Kalimantan, both religion-based and nationalist-based, emerged and spread dynamically not only in urban areas but also in rural areas massively. Its existence in the period of Ethical Policy was to respond to and answer the challenges of discrimination and restrictions on learning rights by the Dutch colonial.

Except for the Darussalam Islamic Boarding School in Martapura, the Rasyidiyah Khalidiyah Islamic Boarding School in Amuntai, and the Assalam Islamic School in Martapura. The unfortunate thing is that these schools did not last very long. Lack of competitiveness, inability to adapt to the times, and limited funds are indicators of their inability to survive until now.

A

CKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author would like to thank all those who helped publish this article. Thanks to the support from Universitas Islam Negeri Antasari Banjarmasin, this literature study can be published in a journal article.

Thanks to the Kapata Arkeologi Editorial Board for their assistance in the editing process. Hopefully, this article can be a reference for the history of education, especially in Banjar, South Kalimantan.

*****

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