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Public Policy and the New European Agendas

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Fergus Carr is Head of the School of Social, Historical and Literary Studies and Senior Lecturer in International Politics at the University of Portsmouth, UK. His research interests include the role of international institutions in the management of conflicts, contemporary security studies and the external role of the EU.

Fergus Carr and Andrew Massey

Public policy and administration in Europe 1

Andrew Massey

At this point it is worth inserting the magisterial rebuke that Philippe Schmitter reserves for many of the newer theories developed to explain European integration. This was attempted while trying to explain the basis of policy making processes from the perspective of public policy and administration (Carr and Massey, 1999, pp. 27-42).

THE CONCEPT OF GOVERNANCE

This partly reflects the opposing approaches to the role of the state and civil society. This includes the fruits of globalization, new public management, new technologies and the relentless transformation of state structures.

MULTI-LEVEL AND DIFFERENTIATED GOVERNANCE

Part of this debate must include a discussion about what we understand by the concept of 'nation state', both within and outside Europe. - LEVEL AND DIFFERENTIATED GOVERNANCE. that is enforceable) the law is at the level of the nation state, but the effectiveness of national systems within a global context is variable at best.

MODERNIZATION’ OR REFITTING?

The development of the concept of Europeanization reflects the sheer complexity of supranational governance in the EU and the global situation in general. While institutions are changed by Europeanization, it is the change of the governance 'software' of a country that has a greater impact on the policy process.

SOME OBSERVATIONS REGARDING ETHICS AND ACCOUNTABILITY

The concepts of public good, public interest and the notion of public service can be traced through Hegel's Philosophy of Right, all the way to Plato's Guardians and the belief that the state is a body with a moral purpose (Plant, 2003, pp. 561–2). The nature of public service ethics and public sector ethics must therefore often be a difference in emphasis on results (in the sense of fair, efficient, timely, responsible and impartial provision of services) and on the 'inputs' that go into providing this service in the form of professional ethics and other qualities , identified by Plant.

CONCLUSION

The downfall of the Santer Commission and the results of the subsequent investigations, reviews and reports (Massey, 2003) provide eloquent testimony to the lack of a shared ethical climate. A comprehensive shared climate, where (or should) it exists, includes understanding of the individual's role, laws and rules.

NOTE

Whither Europe?

Fergus Carr

INTRODUCTION

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNION’S EXTERNAL ROLES

TEU, Article J.1) The European Council had to 'establish the principles and general guidelines for the common foreign and security policy' (TEU, Article J.8.1). Ibid., p. 9) The EU's objectives were 'to promote a ring of well-governed countries to the east of the European Union and on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea.

THE EU AND THE MIDDLE EAST

The US and the UN focused mainly on the relations between states and the consequences of the 1967 war in their approach to the diplomatic solution of the conflict. The Bush administration did not want the coalition to tie their hands; the ethos was that 'the mission should define the coalition, not the other way around' (Woodward, 2002, p. 48).

THE EUROPEAN UNION AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR: CONCLUSIONS

Enlargement and Central and Eastern Europe

Petr Drulák

THE THEORETICAL ASYMMETRY OF THE RESEARCH ON EU ACCESSION

On the other hand, the motivation of CEE countries is usually taken for granted. More importantly, the search for simplistic solutions and the lack of knowledge about CEE countries also shapes a large part of political practice.

THE RETURN TO EUROPE: PRO-EUROPEAN IDENTITIES, EUROSCEPTICISM AND POLITICAL

The Latvian and Estonian readings of EU membership as the ultimate shelter against Russian dominance led to the construction of the EU as anti-Russian in the eyes of Russian minorities. Idealism was the prevailing mood in the early 1990s in the period immediately following the democratic revolutions.

ACCESSION TALKS: (UN)REAL NEGOTIATIONS AND BROKEN PROMISES

On the other hand, Latvia postponed the closing of the institutional chapter as it felt underrepresented in the Council. However, it still had two chapters to close on the eve of the Danish presidency.

GOOD GOVERNANCE: EUROPEANIZATION RIGHT OR WRONG

As suggested, the impact of the accession process often led to unintended consequences. On the other hand, bureaucratization can further deepen the under-politicization of the state administration in policy-making in the sense that the administration is fully absorbed by the implementation of Brussels.

THE FUTURE OF EUROPE: KEEPING THINGS AS THEY ARE

Second, there was a fear that by expressing their preferences, acceding countries could alienate important players in the EU and jeopardize smooth accession. In summary, the positions of the candidate countries were oriented towards the status quo: to keep the EU essentially as it is and to preserve the transatlantic alliance.

CONCLUSIONS

EU enlargement and international socialization

Frank Schimmelfennig

At this stage, the emphasis of socialization is on the adoption of the specific rules of the acquis communautaire. Successful socialization at this stage would be evidenced by high and habitual compliance with EU rules in the absence of external incentives.

RULES: LIBERAL DEMOCRACY AND THE ACQUIS

In the first two sections of the chapter, I describe the EU as an international socialization agency – the community rules it promotes and the strategies it uses to this end. Along with the other organizations of the Western international community, the EU mainly promoted the adoption of liberal-democratic political and economic institutions during this phase.

SOCIALIZATION STRATEGY: CONDITIONALITY

Before the end of the Cold War, the EU played a largely passive role in Central and Eastern Europe. First, the adoption of general liberal rules and EU law requires changes in the organization and laws of the target state.

THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL CONDITIONALITY

The same applies to the Council of Europe's long-standing concerns regarding the death penalty and the rule of law in Turkey. However, the independent contribution of the EU and other Western organizations to this result was small.

THE IMPACT OF ACQUIS CONDITIONALITY

Thus the accession processes further contributed to the centralization and strengthening of the executive authority; societal interest groups and parliaments were marginalized (Grabbe, 2001, pp. The technocratic tendencies of acquis transfer were reinforced by the implantation of the 'regulatory state' in the CEEC.

CONCLUSIONS: AFTER ACCESSION

Parliamentary activity was largely determined by the plan for the accession process and the need to formally transpose EU legislation. Third, new member states may not be willing to further accept the rules of this state.

NOTES

Enlargement: the political and constitutional implications

Barbara Lippert *

What lessons can we draw from the past for the future agenda of the EU regarding the relationship between enlargement and treaty as well as policy reform.

FROM THE HAGUE TO THE EUROPEAN CONSTITUTION – AN OVERVIEW ON TREATY

They agreed to create a European Union as part of the so-called Maastricht Treaty. The introduction of the cohesion fund in 1993 was directly linked to the two southern enlargements.

PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS

INSTITUTIONS AND DECISION MAKING

The link between a reform of the Commission and the Council was already established in the Protocol on the Institutions to the Treaty of Amsterdam (No 7). TCE opens up the possibility of a future merger of the President of the European Council with the President of the Commission.

Figure 5.1   Growth areas where Qualifi ed Majority Voting in the Council  is provided for by the treaties (in absolute fi gures)
Figure 5.1 Growth areas where Qualifi ed Majority Voting in the Council is provided for by the treaties (in absolute fi gures)

THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

The TCE now provides for a permanent President of the European Council who will prepare, chair and coordinate the work and also represent the Union externally. The number of minimum seats was again redefined and raised the threshold from five to six in the TCE.

OVERALL CONCLUSIONS

Interestingly, in the past qualified majority voting was only used in about one fifth of possible cases. The new members generally supported the precarious balance between the further communitarianization of problem solving and the preservation of the substitute role of member states in the European Council and the Council.

BUDGET AND POLICIES

It upgrades the key role of the European Council and strengthens the President of the Commission. If the council meets; that is, if double majority is used and works in decision-making, it can become the main driving force for the integration process.

THE BUDGET AND ENLARGEMENT

The perspective of the so-called net payer or net recipient therefore shapes preferences of member states in the negotiation process on financial and reform packages. The continuation of the British rebate is challenged in every negotiation about the financial perspective.

Table 5.4  Impact of successive enlargements of the EU
Table 5.4 Impact of successive enlargements of the EU

CAP AND REGIONAL POLICY

The aim of the heads of state and government is to agree the package by June 2005, which would be after a referendum on TCE in France, and before a referendum in the United Kingdom. The largest category is called "sustainable growth" (Structural Policy and Lisbon Goals), followed by the CAP-dominated category "Sustainable Management and Protection of Natural Resources"; The third and smallest is "Citizenship, Security, Freedom and Justice", the fourth is about external relations "EU as a global partner" and the last one is administration.

PERSPECTIVES

The Commission states that 'the gap between average GDP per head in the EU-15 and the level in the least prosperous Member States is currently just under 30% (Greece and Portugal have levels almost 30% below average), the gap will double when the new member states join in 2004 (Latvia has a GDP per head that is more than 60% below the EU average) and is likely to expand even more once Bulgaria and Romania join' (European Commission, 2004c, pp. I- 11). The Commission states that 'The new Member States will add around 38 million hectares of utilized agricultural area to the 130 million hectares of the current Member States, an increase of 30 percent, while production in the EU will expand by around 10–20 per year. cents for most products.

APPENDIX: ENLARGEMENT AND TREATY REFORM/CONSTITUTIONALIZATION AND EXTERNAL CHALLENGES

Europe and the USA: security and defence policy

Fergus Carr and Theresa Callan

TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS IN THE COLD WAR

The transatlantic bargain is seen to have worked because 'the bargain proceeds within a framework of common interest, perceived and recognized'. One was 'the absence of any necessary conflict between European integration and the Atlantic community – a myth that served both to curb de Gaulle's ambitions for a generally autonomous "European Europe" and to alienate Atlanticists on both sides of the ocean. ensure that European integration can be seen as a subset of the Atlantic community'.

THE CHANGING SECURITY AGENDAS IN EUROPE

The breadth of the agenda also invited a new approach to security, involving several 'interlocking' institutions. Within this process, functional overlap and competition for missions resulted and reflected conflicting strategic visions of key players.

NATO AND THE EUROPEAN UNION

The NATO summit in Washington in April 1999 confirmed "the determination of the European Union to have the ability to act independently, so that it can take decisions and approve actions where the alliance as a whole is not involved" (North Atlantic Council, 1999). If "autonomy" had to be reconciled with "NATO first", the question of deciding when NATO should not be "involved" remained central.

THE CHALLENGES OF THE NEW SECURITY ENVIRONMENT

Significantly for later US foreign policy, the capitulation of Iraq did not culminate with the collapse of the Saddam regime. The starkness of the interstate threat to Westphalian norms gave way to dark, multifaceted threats from imploding states.

THE BALKAN CRISES

This act constituted a clear violation of international law, and such clarity facilitated a concerted response by the international community. While Milosevic's capitulation and the eventual signing of the Rambouillet Accords ended the military action, there are concerns.

UNILATERALISM AND MULTILATERALISM

Bush in the White House further tested such efforts to strengthen the transatlantic alliance, as it seemed to promise a unilateralist US foreign policy at best and an isolationist policy at worst. More precisely, perhaps American foreign policy had entered an increasingly nationalistic phase—the seeds of which lay in Clintonite foreign policy.

THE WAR AGAINST TERROR

Regime change in Iraq was not only necessary for US strategic security interests, but for 'world interests'. In early September, the Sunday New York Times quoted anonymous officials from the Iraqi nuclear program: 'the first sign of a "smoking gun" may be a mushroom cloud'.

AMERICAN GUNS AND EUROPEAN BUTTER?

Europe and the USA: trade, finance and development

Paul McVeigh

The idea that the EU projects an alternative vision of capitalism to that of the US must therefore be questioned. Attention is then focused on the EU's external impact on international economic governance in the areas of trade, development and finance.

THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY SINCE 1945

THE POSTWAR BOOM

These models are analyzed in more detail later, but it is important to note at this stage that they represented a compromise between market liberalization and social protection – the 'decommodating' role of the social model, as Esping-Anderson (1990, p. 37) puts it ) is expressed – allowing the creation of a new hegemonic bloc that binds together financial and industrial capital and organized labor (van Apeldoorn, 2002; Gill and Law, 1998; Davis, 1984). Along with another division within 'capital', the interests of finance and money capital tend to win over those of productive capital (ibid., pp. 27-9; Grahl, 2003, pp. 36-41).

MARKET EUROPE

EU competition policy has further reduced the role of the state and public enterprise as conduits for national industrial and economic strategies (Petitbò, 1993). Liberal intergovernmentalism effectively captures the role that such voluntarism plays in building the European single market and monetary union.

EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND THE SOCIAL MODEL

In large parts of the Union, there is considerable resistance to rapid convergence and dismantling of the social model among labor and capital. The Commission's activism continued with the Working Time Directive and parental leave legislation and the creation of the European Social Policy Forum.

THE EU’S EXTERNAL TRADE POLICY

The three regions as a whole concentrated 80 percent of world trade, indicating their centrality and the marginalization of developing countries (WTO, n.d.). Despite the EU's willingness to participate in this round and despite a raft of proposals on many of these issues, the WTO's underlying neoliberal principles remain intact (Ainger, 2003).

DEVELOPMENT POLICY

This is reflected in the developing relationship between the EU and the ACP countries (Europe, e, f, g and h). While accepting criticism of WTO liberalization, the EU is not proposing a withdrawal of the liberalization agenda.

THE EU, EMU AND THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL ARCHITECTURE

It is in this context of a deeply rooted process of global financial liberalization that we must place the external role of the euro (Grahl, 2003). In fact, the dominance of the dollar is strongly embedded in the power of inertia and the growing risk aversion of official institutions for whom.

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