Proceedings of the 2015 International Conference on Chinese Food Culture
Foundation of Chinese Dietary Culture
Eating fan-ts’ai in France:
Transformations of the Asian-Chinese Meal Structure in Relation to Personal Migratory
Histories
YANG Fong-Ming
Institut Interdisciplinaire d’Anthropologie du Contemporain France
E-mail:[email protected]
ABSTRACT
When eating is considered to be a cultural heritage, it represents not only documentations and practices to be preserved in a stable and local context, but also exchanges and adaptations in remote contexts to be highlighted, such as in migration contexts. Between 2010 and 2012, I conducted participant-observer interviews and field observations in the greater Parisian area called Ile-de-France, with 63 Chinese- speaking interlocutors who have immigrated from South-East Asia between the years 1970 and 2000. On the basis of this empirical work, I propose to dwell here on an important practice in Chinese food culture: the fan-ts’ai principle. The anthropologist Kwang-chih Chang holds it to be the rule by which the meal is structured; the association of a staple food and an accompaniment constitutes for him a determinant of the meal structure in the Chinese World. Why does the fan-ts’ai principle remain applied by Chinese immigrants? How is it implemented? For that matter, can we conceive of emblematic French dishes such as beef Bourguignon, veal Blanquette and Pot-au-feu to be eaten within the fan-ts’ai framework? Based on the reading of K.C.
Chang’s classical concepts, the present article advances toward rethinking the
transmission of eating styles as a cultural heritage, when it is achieved outside of the native culture (the Chinese world), in a migratory context (the French society).
Keywords: Eating cultures in migratory settings, Kwang-chich Chang’s fan-ts’ai principle, intercultural adaptations between the Asian-Chinese and the French meal structures, socio-economical status of Chinese immigrants in Paris since 1970.
The performance of meal structures
Meal’s ready, Pierre. Tonight, Wu made a beef Bourguignon, sautéed cabbage with mushrooms, tomato and egg broth with rice.
- Wang, beef Bourguignon is a French dish. How does one eat it with all this?
- With a pair of chopsticks and a bowl. A bite of rice along with a bite of meat or vegetables, like the Chinese do. And then we’ll serve the broth at the end of the meal.
- Oh right, I thought we would eat the broth as a starter, eat the beef Bourguignon together with the rice and vegetables as the main dish.
Pierre is Wang and Wu’s neighbor, a Taiwanese-Chinese couple living in the Parisian suburbs. During a diner, he is asking questions about the difference between table manners. Attached to the diachronic structure (the first course then the main dish), he identified beef Bourguignon as the main dish. Known as a typical French recipe, beef Bourguignon can be served within a synchronic fan-ts’ai structure as a ts’ai, in other words as an accompaniment. This extract from logbook notes, which were taken while conducting field research in 2011 within Asian-Chinese immigrants settled in the greater Parisian area known as ‘Ile-de-France’1, leads to a two-fold question. Why does the meal conception remain structured after immigration? In Chinese-native immigration settings, how does food that is qualified as non-Chinese come to enrich the fan-ts’ai meal structure?
The general rule of the fan-ts’ai principle
According to one of the field’s key authors, Jean-Pierre Poulain, the structure is
‘making available a series of dishes’ 2. To describe the same phenomenon, another seminal foods and meal studies academic, Claude Fischler, leans on an analogy with language and forged the notion of “meal syntax”3 to refer to the sequencing of meals’
1 This work benefited from the support of the Fondation Nestlé France as well as from ongoing exchanges with the research team in charge of the Agence Nationale de la Recherche project
“Food culture and migrants: consequences for policies”. About the present text, I wish to express my gratitude to my colleague Sophie Bobbé, at the Centre Edgar-Morin, for our many discussions and her constructive suggestions. I want to thank Chrystèle Guilloteau for her assistance with the French language. Stéphanie Proutheau provided the English translation from my original text.
2 ‘la mise à disposition d’une série de plats’, Jean-Pierre Poulain, Manger aujourd’hui:
attitudes, normes et pratiques, (Toulouse: Privat, 2002) 28.
3 ‘L’analogie des repas avec le langage est extrêmement productive et éclairante. (…) De même qu’une langue organise des mots – un lexique – selon un certain ordre – une syntaxe, de
dishes: ‘The analogy between language and meals is extremely productive and illuminating. (…) As a language organizes words – a lexicon – according to a certain order – a syntax –, meals do also organize dishes according to a specific order – entrée-main dish-cheese-and/or desert’. In other words, the French-way meal is constituted of three or four diachronicservices during which only one dish is served to the table. The syntax is an ordering prescription that governs when and how dishes are made available to the table.
In the Chinese world – such as in China, Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan –, when meals are eaten within a domestic setting, they consist of a staple food (fan 飯) and accompaniments including a broth (called ts’ai in Chinese 菜). The first is always composed of cereals or other starches while the latter comprises vegetables, meat and a broth4. In other words, accompaniment is always a composite component of the meal.
This structure correspond to what the anthropologist Kwang-chih Chang qualifies to be the Chinese principle of staples and accompaniments 5 . Staples and accompaniments are interdependent components for it is when are both present in a food intake that it can be qualified as a “meal”. This one can be made of a bowl of steam-cooked rice along with a serving of sautéed broccolis with minced chicken.
Cooked separately they are eaten together but, as it will be discussed below, it is not always the case. Indeed exists a second type of meal preparation that consists in associating the staple (fan) and the accompaniment including a broth (ts’ai) in the same container and cooked together. Thus, broth appears to be quite exemplary of the
“second-type meal” insofar as its composition agrees with Kwang-chih Chang’s structure described above.
Transformations of eating in migratory settings
In either cases of the “first-type meal” or the “second-type meal”, the meal structure demonstrates solidity. There is left to examine what becomes of this structure when put to the test of immigration. When the socio-cultural context changes, meal même un repas organise des plats également selon un ordre spécifique – par exemple ‘entrée- plat-fromage et/ou dessert’, Claude Fischler, Manger: mode d’emploi,, (Paris : Presses universitaires de France/Fondation Nestlé France, 2011) 72.
4 Kwang-chih Chang, Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives, (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977) 8. When we refer to Chang’s work, we faithfully preserve his annotation system, namely Fan and ts’ai.
5 Kwang-chih Chang, Food in Chinese Culture, 41.
and food practices evolve. About this king of changes, Claude Fischler has laid markers to question possible ways for the fan-ts’ai principle to be implemented:
(…) the structure remains unchanged, while the components which constitute the content are modified. They may progress through plain and simple substitution of a former constituent by a new one, through addition of complementary constituents (taking on the same role in the structure), and through diversification. Enrichments can bear either on compound dishes’
food products or on their preparations.6
In the eyes of Chinese immigrants in France, which are the complementary constituents that maintain the practice of the fan-ts’ai? Afar from the Chinese world, fan, the staple, may no longer have to be moist rice or noodles. It can be substituted by local foods such as potatoes transformed in French fries or purée, as well as flour- based products such as bread or pasta. For what reason does this replacement take place? Are there other French main dishes that can be borrowed for the ts’ai as illustrates the beef Bourguignon that was served by Wang and Wu, the Taiwanese- Chinese couple? Does the broth, in which rice or noodles, meat and vegetables are slightly added, remain an accompaniment? Numerous cases exist for which transformations of the fan-ts’ai’s principle modality were observed in Chinese immigration settings.
Asian-Chinese immigrants in France
From the 20th century, the Chinese migration concerns not only migrants who left from China but also from countries such as Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. These immigrating populations arrived in France for economic reasons but most are political refugees from the years 1975-1985. For the past two decades, Asian-Chinese populations from Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam diminishes while the one originating
6 ‘(…) la structure reste inchangée, tandis que les composantes qui en constituent le contenu se modifient. Ils peuvent évoluer par substitution pure et simple d’un élément nouveau à un élément ancien, par addition d’éléments complémentaires (tenant le même rôle dans la structure), par addition d’éléments supplémentaires (jouant des rôles différents ou nouveaux) et par diversification. Les enrichissements peuvent porter soit sur des denrées, soit sur des préparations, des plats composés’, Claude Fischler, L’Homnivore: le goût, la cuisine et le corps, (Paris: Odile Jacob, 1991)155.
from China has doubled. Among those coming from China, there are more women than men. In 2007, the Huiji association (匯集協會)7 builds on 2005 Eurostat data to claim possible figures: the current population of Chinese immigrants, including undocumented individuals, would amount to somewhere between 400 000 and 600 000 persons including their descendants, that is to say less than 1% of the national demography8.
Constellations of migrants in Ile-de-France
To better circumscribe the investigated population and area, historical and current headlines of migration streams from South-East Asia to France ought to be mentioned.
Starting 1975, these Asian-Chinese immigrants most primarily settle down in two regions according to French Annual demographic surveys from 2004 to 20069: the Ile- de-France region (58,2%) and an mountain area located in the South-East of France called the Rhône-Alpes region (9,3%).
Proportionally, immigrants from South-East Asia appear to be evenly distributed over the two regions. In the Ile-de-France region, however, Chinese populations are proportionally better represented than Asian-Chinese ones who came from Cambodia, Laos or Vietnam. On the other hand, in Rhône-Alpes, Vietnamese people appear to be better represented.
7 Huiji was an activist association in support of Chinese families of illegal immigrants. It heavily depended on Parisian city and region administrations’ financing for its functioning (fieldwork, social actions, counseling, etc.). As a result of short cuts in subsidies, it was closed down in 2010.
8 Guilio Lucchini, “Singularités de la migration chinoise en France”, in La Chine à Paris:
enquête au cœur d’un monde méconnu, ed. Richard Beraha (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2012) 243- 271.9 Enquêtes annuelles de recensement 2004 à 2006 par l’Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (Insee).
Table 1. Numbers and proportions of Chinese and South-East Asian immigrants in the first two settlement regions in France.
Chinese* Vietnamese Lao Cambodian Total Ile-de-France
44 000 (33,58%)
37 000 (28,24%)
16 000 (12,21%)
34 000 (25,95%)
131 000
Rhône-Alpes
4 000 (19,04%)
7 000 (33,33%)
5000 (23,80%)
5 000 (23,80%)
21 000
Metropolitan France**
63 000
(28%)
73 000
(32,44%)
36 000
(16%)
53 000
(23,55%)
225 000 Source: Enquêtes annuelles de recensement 2004 à 2006, Insee
* These figures include Taiwanese immigrants
**French territories located in Europe (excludes overseas French territories)
These migratory streams come to enrich diversity of the greater Parisian region’s immigrant populations. These migrants mainly chose to live in Paris, Seine-Saint- Denis, Val-de-Seine and Seine-et-Marne districts. They generally have settled in cities built between 1975 and 1990 such as Marne-la-Vallée 10 . Their strong representativeness in Ile-de-France explains the territorial delimitation of the field I chose to investigate. To reach these Asian-Chinese immigrant populations, associations’ networks (culture, language and sport-centered) in which parents and/or children were enrolled were considered as the best avenues. In order of importance, associations centered on language (Vietnamese or Chinese) then on sport (Taekwondo, Tai-Chi-chuan, Kung-Fu) and at last those who promote Asian-Chinese culinary activities have enabled first contacts. It was through animators and teachers’
intermediary that contacts with the 63 interlocutors of the study were achieved. They are all married adults, aged from 33 to 53 years old.
10 Atlas des populations immigrés en Ile-de-France, Insee, 2004.
http://insee.fr/fr/insee_regions/idf/themes/dossiers/immigres/docs/atlimmigres_population.pdf, accessed July 18, 2015.
A typology based on eating styles: ethnocentric, syncretic, international
To get a better grasp on the diversity of fan-ts’ai principle practices, a typology was built to allow a fine treatment of the heterogeneous answers that were collected.
In the field of food and immigration sociology and anthropology, notably by Manuel Calvo with the notion of eating “style”, the use of a typology had already been realized. The acceptation that Calvo assigns to the term “style” is stated as such:
(…) an attempt at conceptually representing eating reality ; an intellectual expression, also a theoretical and practical one, pretending to describe, analyze and interpret the forms, the content and meanings of facts and practices relating to food and meals which (…) result to the “direct” and “continuous”
contact with cultures. (…) It could only be the expression of a global configuration of eating phenomena according to their position, their process in the observable complexity organization and the overall dynamics of sector- specific connections.11
The ‘ethnocentric’ style refers to immigrants’ eating practices that are centered on native countries’ reference values. These interlocutors then borrow new practices only on the margins (breakfasts made of tartines12 for instance) or else very occasionally (such as drinking Champagne for a festive occasion13). They left China to reach directly France in the years 1980-1990. Two reasons have presided over their decision to migrate. The vast majority of them, aged from 20 to 35 years old at the
11 ‘(…) une tentative de représentation conceptuelle de la réalité alimentaire ; une expression intellectuelle, théorique et pratique, prétendant décrire, analyser et interpréter les formes, le contenu et la signification des faits et pratiques alimentaires qui (…) résultent du contact
‘‘direct’’ et ‘‘continu’’ des cultures. (…) Elle ne pourra qu’être l’expression d’une configuration globale des phénomènes alimentaires selon leur position, leur processus dans l’organisation de la complexité observable et la dynamique de l’ensemble des connexions sectorielles’, Manuel Calvo, “Migration et alimentation”, Social Science Information 21.3 (1982): 426.
12 Typical French breakfast component that is composed of a slice of bread with butter and/or jam or honey, cf. Alain Drouard, “Crispy in the French Breakfast”, Anthropology of Food 1 (2003); https://aof.revues.org/1367, accessed July 18 2015.
13 Emblematic French sparkling white wine mostly dedicated to celebrations.
time of departure, left their country for economic reasons, hoping to find in the host country to better their standard of living.
Back in China, they had not attended higher education and once in France, finding a paid work position has been their main concern. By means of their administrative regularization, some become retailers in the Asian restaurant business, manufacturing, including leather goods. Others encounter precarious situations, remaining economically frail while undergoing the process of getting their administrative status regularized. Comfortable or modest, these migrants’ daily lives rarely go beyond Chinese-natives’ networks.
The second style, called ‘syncretic’, is characterized by maintaining native country’s eating norms that are however enriched by numerous borrowings to eating practices relevant to the occidental cultural area – noteworthy here, borrowings are made more specifically from “non Asian-Chinese” cuisine rather than from a specific cuisine such as the French or Italian ones … This way, members of this category are of particular interest because, through their borrowings (a food product, a mix, …), they cobble together, invent new eating forms, as it will be discussed in the coming pages. The parents’ migration itineraries belong to two types. Numerous declared that they left China or Taiwan when they were between 17 and 25 year-old, during the years 1985-2000, to attend universities. They then stayed in France because they had found work positions (or because they had gotten married). In this category, we also find children arrived at an early age or even born in France, whose parents are among political refugees originating from Laos and Vietnam during the years 1975-1985.
Enrolled in French schools or hired in French companies, these immigrants are socialized in France while keeping in strong Chinese identity.
The third style, called ‘international’, is characterized by the integration of various eating norms relevant to countries where the migrants had settled down along their migration itinerary. They show a distinct cosmopolitism and display cooking knowledge from numerous countries, which go beyond culinary practices of other Asian-Chinese countries. Their double or triple international trajectory (experiences in other countries such as England, Belgium, Canada, Spain or the Unites States before coming to France) makes them very keen on eating practices that are remote from their native country’s ones. At last, this group of immigrants does not settle for
cooking only French and home-country dishes; they also know the cuisine of countries in which they had previously settled, whichever the length of their stay there.
After presenting the typology at work in the present research, meal forms that implement the Fan-ts’ai principle will now be covered.
Figure 1. Considered as a ts’ai, veal Blanquette is served with a spoon in a plate or a bowl and along with rice. Fieldwork photograph by the author.
Recombining the fan and the ts’ai
Migration itineraries set up the way meals are structured. Persons who immigrated directly to France seem to preserve the native country’s traditional meal structure. How do these migrants, with a simple migration itinerary, react to the settling country’s meal structure? Persons who have lived in several countries before immigrating to France carry out their native country’s traditional structure in less rigid ways. Likewise, how immigrants with multiple migration itineraries react to the settling country’s meal structure? For the same reason, we investigate how do the economic conditions related to professional activities influence the meal structure.
What is at stake in regards to the fan
Staple foods such as rice and noodles are maintained. However, bread makes an entrance to the staple category. Bread, rice and noodles remain markers of either meal, in the Chinese style or in the French one. Within ethnocentric-style settings, meals
cannot be structured without rice nor noodles. Arrived directly from rural regions and Chinese cities, then quickly enrolled to work and earn their livings beside their compatriots (or with family members already settled), these interlocutors attest to have very little eating experience that they consider to be French: a meal during which bread and/or raw vegetables are eaten.
Working in professional sectors where Chinese cuisine is accessible both geographically (the 19th arrondissement in Northern Paris, or Pantin and Aubervilliers which are adjacent cities) and materially (restaurants and supermarkets nearby), the study’s interlocutors are not motivated nor constrained to change the eating habits that they forged in their native country. Another reason is connected to the nature of their permanent physical activity. Only rice and sometimes noodles are considered to be
“good” foods in their mind.
Among our interlocutors of the ‘syncretic’ style, rice does not have to be the foundation to meals. Either enrolled in school for over a decade, or French university students for at least a four-year period, these interlocutors have regular experiences of French cuisine and foods: bread, pasta, potatoes can be considered as staples within a Chinese-way meal (a synchronic syntax).
Pieces of bread can constitute an accompaniment to a cheese and mushroom omelet. Coquillettes14 can be served with cauliflower gratin15. French fries are eaten with roasted chicken. Consuming potatoes makes a change for the interlocutors born and brought up in China or Taiwan, where these are essentially eaten as an accompaniment. Nonetheless, neither rice nor noodles are ignored: they are served for instance with a French dish such as veal Blanquette or beef Bourguignon. The rice, which is indispensable within the “ethnocentric” style, is found to be entirely interchangeable within “syncretic” settings. Often retailers or French company employees, interlocutors from the ‘syncretic’ style believe the staple to be a key lever in varying the Chinese-way or the French-way meal compositions. Under this combinatory logics, noodles and pasta often come up. They are served as accompaniments within the main dish in the case of a French-way meal and given the
14 Small shell pasta quite specific to France and that can be also referred to as ‘elbow macaronis’.
15 Gratin is the generic term for recipes for which the constituents are covered with cheese and oven-baked.
role of a staple in the case of a Chinese-way meal. The use of rice as a staple in Chinese cuisine is no longer exclusive. In the ‘international-style’ settings, where meals are composed of a single main dish, the notion of staple weakens. In fact, when interlocutors of this style mention the term ‘staple’, they deal in fact with a symbolic representation of the Chinese-way meal. With them, whose migratory experience in European and American countries is greater, the issue with rice consumption is not laid out the same way than for interlocutors of the ‘ethnocentric’ and ‘syncretic’ styles.
In addition, they hold rice to be the main feature of a meal eaten in a synchronic way and composed of dishes essentially based of sauté, steam and stew (the fan-ts’ai principle). This is how rice recalls their native identity. They hold representations about rice that are not goaded with neither strong social stakes (rice consumption as a compensation for modest life style) nor culinary stakes (rice being served as a side dish in French-way meals). At last, regarding “international”-style interlocutors, staple is less meaningful. Rice looses it status as a staple, but when it is served, then the meal is qualified as a ‘Chinese’ or ‘Chinese-way’ one.
The notion of staple is more important for interlocutors with low income and little migratory experience than for for well-off interlocutors with various migratory experiences. While for the former ones, to have a food product as the foundation of a meal relates to the aim of eating a ‘good’ meal, for the latter ones, a ‘good’ meal does not depend on a sole food product. The notion of staple brings out in evidence an understanding of the “meal” according to which it evolves according to the migratory itinerary.
The metamorphosis of the ts’ai
Cooking methods such as the wok (sauté) and the pressure cooker (steam) remain steady for the accompaniment dish. Does the importance of the broth also maintain itself in the Chinese-way meal? Why and which type of broths are served? Can broth be replaced by another beverage?
Within the ‘ethnocentric-style’ background where French-way meals are rarely experienced, the whole of ingredients, from staple to accompaniment, must undergo an appropriate heat in order to be eatable. For instance, our interlocutors do not hesitate to sauté Roman or Batavia lettuce along with minced Paris mushrooms or Judas’ ear mushrooms to devise an accompaniment dish, although these produces are
generally eaten raw in the French way. Among interlocutors of the ‘syncretic’ and
‘international’ styles who have integrated the French-way meal, tolerance for raw foods is high. Vegetables like carrots, cauliflowers or tomatoes can be eaten either cooked or raw. It is also in the ‘syncretic-style’ settings that we have seen change in the use of accompaniment. For lunch or diner, Bolognese or Carbonara sauces (with or without pasta), mushroom omelet, beef Bourguignon, Pot-au-feu16, veal Blanquette, gratin Dauphinois17, are primarily served within a French-way meal framework and can be eaten as an accompaniment within the Chinese-way framework. Among these, the Pot-au-feu is consumed as an accompaniment dish both solid and liquid, an ordinary broth and a broth for noodle soup. It happens that some interlocutors of this style eat pizzas with broth. Flour-based to which vegetables and meat is added, the former (the pizza) is in fact a second-type meal. It is served as a staple.
At last, broth is still the only liquid component of the meal, or at the end of it in the ‘ethnocentric’-style setting where the meal remains traditional. This broth is mainly constituted of minced vegetables and meat produces, and can serve as stock for rice and/or noodle soup. The reason why our interlocutors of this style maintain the broth is because digestive and nutritive virtues are attributed to it. For interlocutors of the ‘syncretic’ and ‘international’ styles, for which the importance of the broth has lowered and their practice of Chinese-way meal has weakened, broth can be replaced by a pitcher of water. But the place of broth has not disappeared in the French-way meal framework and its role has been moved: it becomes a starter.
The dish that is devised to accompany the staple changes in nature and also in meaning as a result of interlocutors’ migration. Firstly, frontiers between the raw and the cooked are blurred when it comes to some of the vegetables: those which are usually eaten raw can get cooked and conversely. Secondly, there are transcultural borrowings when it comes to the composition of the meal, and despite the discrepancy between eating norms in both countries. It is possible to put the main dish (of the French-way meal) in the place of an accompaniment (of the Chinese-way meal). It is also possible to place the broth as a first course. The whole of these considerations
16 Beef and veal stew recipes.
17 Oven-baked alternating layers of sliced potatoes and a mix of heavy-whipped cream and grated cheese.
calls for rethinking the use of accompaniment dishes: the latter is no longer accessory but takes on a major position.
***
Interlocutors with ample income eat more in a diachronic fashion and their use of staples weakens. Even when they eat the Chinese-way – meaning in a synchronic setting – meal is not simply based on the consumption of rice. This is contrary to the interlocutors’ habits with lower income, who grant rice with the value of an indispensable daily food. Regarding the accompaniment produce, the whole of interlocutors express creativity. Persons in more precarious situations transform raw vegetables into sautéed dishes. Well-off interlocutors use the accompaniment dish as their main dish. The fan-ts’ai principle is practiced differently according to migrant eaters’ socio-economic status.
What was observed of the fan-ts’ai’s transformation in France enabled to rethinking the diffusion of Chinese eating culture in Europe and to revise the relevance of Kwang-chih Chang’s theory. According to studies conducted in South- East Asia, the Chinese eating culture has grown through street foods18. However France is a country where street foods are not as thriving and most of the activity takes place sitting at the table and at definite meal times19. Yet, does this socio-economic context standardize the Chinese eating culture?
18 David Y.H. Wu and Sidney C.H. Cheung, The Globalization of Chinese food, (Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 2002).
19 Pascale Hébel, Comportements et consommations alimentaires en France, (Paris : Lavoisier, 2012) 19.
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